When the party organisation becomes subservient to family, a smooth leadership change cannot be guaranteed, especially when the family is as large as the clan of Mulayam Singh Yadav
Once the government chooses to engage in grand-standing over a covert operation, is the Opposition not entitled to ask for more details to be put out in the public domain?
The calculated strikes across LoC may send out a bold message, but to what extent can Modi take risks of an escalated conflict that might undermine India’s growth story?
The party will have to offer wholesome governance alternative that goes beyond anti-corruption slogans.
Military rule, radical Islamisation among others have compromised Pakistan’s capacity to deal with its neighbour in a mature manner
While a lot of talent is visible beyond big cities, what hasn’t changed dramatically enough is the attitude of most corporates and officials to Olympic sport
This isn’t the first time upper caste Hindus have been caught beating up Dalits. Massacres have taken place in other states also. And yet, the fact that the incident takes place in the PM’s home state and the CM wakes up to the horror almost a week later makes it a potential political volcano
Narendra Modi, more than any other contemporary politician, has been a direct beneficiary of the forces unleashed by Manmohan Singh in 1991. Without the benefit of “Manmohanomics”, there would be no “Modinomics”
The former HRD minister’s could have avoided a confrontationist approach. Her experience may be useful to her in the long run
When lust for power fails to differentiate between means and ends, then any form of public accountability is the first casualty.
The resignation of Maharashtra revenue minister Eknath Khadse over land grab charges is evidence that even when governments change, certain bad habits don’t
Despite relative macro-economic stability, job-driven growth is still to take off and small and medium enterprises are still struggling. If, as Modi’s advisers claim, the wheel will begin to turn in 2017, then the prime minister’s chances of re-election are virtually guaranteed
Who will ever have faith in a criminal justice system if even terror cases are hostage to politics?
Chanting ’Bharat mata ki jai’ won’t solve the deepening water crisis; only an honest appraisal of flawed water management can provide solutions
The state leaderships are in disarray, there has been no organisational restructuring and there is no roadmap in sight
Identifying with the activities of Sri Sri is a subtle attempt by the political class to cultivate a distinct Hindu vote bank in a relatively non-adversarial manner
Smriti Irani maybe needs to consider a course correction: The HRD ministry should facilitate open dialogue, not become a space for “culture wars” or for settling scores with ideological ‘’enemies’’.
If support for Afzal Guru is to be seen as ‘sedition’, then at least half the erstwhile Cabinet in Jammu and Kashmir would be held guilty.
A year after his victory, Arvind Kejriwal must learn to manage conflict, while the Modi regime must give up its visceral hatred for the AAP leader
Mr Modi and Mr Gandhi are reaching out to young India in their own ways, but if one needs to alter his style, the other needs a change in substance.
Pathankot makes attempts at peace with Pakistan difficult. But for once, the BJP and the Congress must be on the same side to fight terror.
Mufti Sayeed’s passing will bring contradictions within J&K to the fore and challenge Mehbooba.
Since New Year resolutions are made to be broken, let’s be ready for another exciting, unpredictable year in Indian politics
By choosing to mix a judicial battle with a political slugfest in the Winter Session of Parliament, the Congress runs the risk of losing the perception war.
The polarisation of public opinion, especially on a permanently outraged social media, is the core of the ‘intolerance’ debate
With the campaign narrative in Bihar turning into a ‘war’ between forward and backward castes, Lalu Prasad may be scripting a political comeback
The Shiv Sena can get away with violence because it has successfully tapped into the insecurities of Maharashtrians in Mumbai.
To have a chief minister respond to a column is a rare and commendable attempt at engaging in a civilised public dialogue, writes Rajdeep Sardesai
Senior journalist writes back after Maharashtra chief minister accuses him of pushing a Leftist, pseudo secularist agenda in his column on issues facing Maharashtra.
Senior journalist Rajdeep Sardesai has replied to Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis’s open letter to him, in which he explained why his government had banned the sale of meat in the state and other issues.
Instead of agonising about our diet or thoughts we entertain, the Maharashtra government should worry most about farmers’ distress.
Both Modi and Sonia need to recognise each other as ‘adversaries’, not ‘enemies’, and learn to do business with each other.
The claim that evidence is far more difficult to gather in a riot case than in a terror conspiracy can no longer be an alibi for a shoddy probe.
Nitish Kumar’s secular paradigm doesn’t go beyond symbolism whereas the PM seems to have taken a selective approach.
If Lalit Modi represents the globalisation of the Indian Power League networks, Vyapam is a classic BIMARU network story, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.From Lalit Modi row to Vyapam Scam: Different plots, similar motives
Senior journalist Rajdeep Sardesai talks of his interview with former IPL chief Lalit Modi - of high-profile visitors, IPL franchise owners, business dealings, and powerful connections.
The rise of Asaduddin Owaisi is an indictment of the national parties who claim to represent Muslim interests under the guise of secularism.
In an age where a film is declared a hit or a flop on the first weekend’s performance, politicians too are finding their ratings being judged in a compressed timeframe. Narendra Modi was elected prime minister for five years, but he has already had to go through a series of early tests: 100 days, 200 and then 300 days, now his impending first year anniversary have all become occasions for the media to rate his performance. It is almost as if he is facing a constant agni-pariksha.
They can be insensitive at times, but television news channels are still seen as the first information report for news
This is, it seems, open season for name calling against the media. The Union minister and former army chief, General VK Singh, describes journalists as ‘presstitutes’.
On the night before India’s World Cup semi-finals with Australia, I innocently tweeted: ‘Heart with India, head with Australia.’ Within minutes, followers on my twitter account were enraged.
Almost every political party in India is run by a family or an individual. To have expected AAP to be different was just an illusion, Rajdeep Sardesia writes.
Rahul Gandhi’s political career has been a case-study in never missing an opportunity to miss an opportunity
Kejriwal’s win in Delhi has dented Modi’s invincibility, but it is too soon for him to become a rallying point for anti-BJP forces.
The contrasting moods suggest that the 2015 Delhi elections are reflective of a growing class divide. Upper income groups seem to be drawn to the BJP while the poorer sections of society are attracted to AAP, writes Rajdeep Sardesai
The success of a Kejriwal or a Bedi will offer hope to the many skilled professionals who might want to take the plunge into formal politics but are wary of being eased out by an unethical, non-meritocratic old order.
Both Modi and Dhoni would probably be seen as the ultimate icons of the neo-middle class. The problem at times is that this class isn’t concerned about the means but only focuses on the end result, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
The decision by the Narendra Modi government to declare Christmas as ‘Good Governance Day’ troubles me: It is a completely unnecessary attempt to confuse the spirit of a festive occasion with political symbolism, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
The rest of India can be won by the promise of good governance; Kashmir needs genuine ‘insaniyat’. Empathy must go beyond symbolic gestures, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
It is possible to express a measure of caste pride in harmless ways without expecting it to reap dividends in today’s meritocratic world. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
The Congress has not reckoned with the kind of politician Narendra Modi is and it seems to be nursing the illusion that power is cyclical and eventually the wheel of political fortune will turn in its favour, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
Only a united opposition and a credible local leadership have any chance of stopping the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah juggernaut, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
The PM has done a splendid job of selling the India story. To take things forward, he will need the support of his ministers, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
India's youth is looking for iconic figures who will break with the past and who will symbolise change, not continuity. But is the young Indian economically liberal and socially conservative, asks Rajdeep Sardesai.
Amit Shah must decide which direction he wishes to take the party: Abandon coalition politics or pursue inclusive politics that looks beyond Hindutva. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Politicians are notoriously schizophrenic: I have met any number of netas who can be wonderfully warm and polite when they are off camera but turn into rabble-rousing public figures once the camera is switched on, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
Politics too, is experiencing a similar compression in time. So, Narendra Modi’s first 100 days are already being seen as a verdict on his government. A 100 days is just over 14 weeks, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
Shiv Sena needs to spend less time courting controversies and start behaving like a mature political organisation committed to governance. It needs to shed the baggage of the past that is littered with politics of hate, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
If the removal of a governor should not be arbitrary, then neither should the appointment. And the fact is, over the last four decades, stretching back to the 1970s, that is precisely what has happened.
Fans in Kolkata will cheer for Brazil; Mumbai pubs will have screenings; and Goa and Kerala will revolve around a ball. We will celebrate the spirit of the beautiful game even as the national team won’t be playing it yet again. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
India cannot afford another bout of endless recrimination and non-cooperation that derails the legislative process. Narendra Modi must shun adversarial politics and attempt a political reconciliation, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
When the Gujarat leader writes his blog and thanks the Indian voter, here are a few more thank you cards he should send out, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
The prime minister described the “Modi wave” as a “media creation”. If there is a ‘Modi Wave’ it is because Team Modi has made better use of its election war chest than the Congress, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
Despite the allure of the none of the above button, I voted for a candidate. At least on voting day, the aam aadmi can feel equal to a khaas aadmi. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Wherever the BJP government is in power, there is more corruption. Modi has started thinking that by promoting a few industrialists and a constant presence in the media, he can take over the nation, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
The editor as the gatekeeper of news is being replaced by the editor as fixer or editor as larger-than-life egoistical ‘star’. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
It is becoming clearer by the day that Modi’s real role model in the 2014 election is former PM Indira Gandhi. Modi’s approach to politics is not too dissimilar to that of Indira's in 1971, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
This constant media scrutiny of Kejriwal has turned out to be a double edged sword. Yes, it gave him an instant national profile in a crowded political marketplace, but it has also eventually overwhelmed his government.
An important minister in the Modi government like Maya Kodnani was sentenced to life imprisonment in the Naroda-Patiya case in Gujarat; in the 1984 violence, no senior Congressman has been convicted. Writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
A younger, restless India is yearning for ‘change’: is it the promise of change offered by Narendra Modi’s dream of an ‘aspirational India’; is it Rahul Gandhi’s idea of an ‘inclusive India’, or is it Arvind Kejriwal’s notion of an ‘angry’ India? Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Corruption was the defining agenda of the 1989 polls and VP Singh rode the wave. A year later, the same middle class, attacked his decision to implement the Mandal commission report on OBC reservations, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
The year 2013 – which we thought would go down as annus horribilis – hasn’t been so bad after all. And the good news is that 2014 maybe even better, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
Unlike Aam Admi Party's Arvind Kejriwal, Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi can afford to take the long view of politics because he has a legacy to cocoon him from reverses. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Though they are as similar as chalk and cheese, but both Arvind Kejriwal and Narendra Modi have tried to create the basis for a new form of 'us' versus 'them' anti-establishment politics. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
The culture of seeking a ban on opinion polls is a reflection of a belief that this is the best way to control information flow. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
It is much easier to engage in a zero-sum high decibel game of 1984 versus 2002 than rehabilitating victims of mass violence. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
The retirement debate will be a footnote. What will dominate are the memories of a Sachin punch off the back foot and of a Rahul cover drive. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Let me say at the outset, like you, most right thinking Indians believe that the ordinance that would provide a potential reprieve for convicted politicians was 'absolute nonsense', says Rajdeep Sardesai.
Most pundits have been writing political obituaries of LK Advani. What if the NDA doesn’t get the 272-plus, a Modi candidacy promises? Will there be another final twist in the Advani saga? Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
The Congress posters may have the faces of Rahul Gandhi and Manmohan Singh along with Sonia Gandhi, but in the trimurti, only the party president matters. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Rahul is younger, English-speaking, telegenic and tech-friendly. And yet, as most recent youth surveys suggest, it is Modi who is the preferred choice of young Indians. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Mumbai doesn’t need statehood, but it does need a stronger, more accountable political authority to address its serious governance deficit. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
The India of 2013 is very different from 1991. A post-liberalisation country is driven by aspiration not emotion, by economic growth not social identity alone. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
The Congress favours centralised rule while the BJP’s model is that of outsourcing power to states. But one thing is clear, the voter places a premium on good governance. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Can Nitish do a Lalu by winning the hearts and minds of Bihar’s Muslims with his decision to break with the BJP over Narendra Modi’s elevation? Writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
If elections were to held in the social media, Narendra Modi would almost certainly be ‘crowned’ PM. The media must reset its moral compass and analyse the Modi phenomenon by moving beyond the extremes of glorification or vilification. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
While spot-fixing has put into question the credibility of Indian cricket, the silence of the sport’s stalwarts has damaged the faith of sports enthusiasts even more. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Like Imran, many Indian politicians believe that the sheer force of their personality will propel them to victory in the 2014 polls. They need to review their strategies, writes Rajdeep Sardesai.
The quiet dignity that once made Manmohan Singh popular with the middle class is fast becoming his greatest liability at a time when his government is being proven corrupt. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
A decade ago, Ajit Pawar could have got away with his crude remark. Today, a 24X7 media has forced him to apologise, but sadly it won’t be enough to change a rotten system. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
We discuss the 1993 Mumbai blasts but seldom talk about the riots that preceded it. Is it any wonder then that we are trapped in a cycle of communalism and terrorism? Rajdeep Sardesai asks.
In an age where it doesn’t enjoy a monopoly on power, the Congress is in dire need of a leader who is transparent, accountable and ready to lead from the front. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
The BJP has a tough job at hand: should it name Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate or play safe and go for ‘collective’ leadership ahead of the elections? Rajdeep Sardesai writes.
Though home minister Sushil Kumar Shinde is an emblem of upward mobility in politics, he must realise that as home minister, he cannot just smile his way through every crisis. Rajdeep Sardesai writes.