Mountbatten's animus to Subhas
Alfred Wag, the Chicago Tribune correspondent, claimed in meeting with Nehru that he saw Subhas in Saigon on or about August 25, 1945. Nehru, therefore, told the press reporters on September 11, 1945, that he had "grave doubts" about the news of Subhas' death. Gandhiji even dissuaded Subhas family from performing shradh (religious obsequies). In view of his doubts about Subhas' death, Maulana Azad the Congress President, directed the A.I.C.C. not to make any obituary reference to Netaji's memory.

There was a widespread belief that Bose was successful in reaching the Soviet-Manchurian border, but was captured and kept in captivity by the Soviet supremo Marshal Joseph V.Stalin. Others, including Soli S. Botliwala one of netaji's foremost admirers, believed that the British had executed Netaji under the orders of Mountbatten, taking advantage of the story already circulated by the Domei and Radio Tokyo.

Congress and INA
The interim government under Jawaharlal Nehru, which on September 2, 1946, took oath "to bear true faith allegiance to King Emperor George VI and his heirs and successors", was too preoccupied with gaining and consolidating power to bother about what had happened in August, 1945 to the greatest patriot of our times.

And when under pressure of tremendous public opinion, some falthering efforts were initiated, they were entirely misdirected, apart from being highly belated and halfhearted. After independence, the demand to probe into the alleged death of Subhas in the air-crash at Taihoku gathered momentum.

An idea of unofficial probe Committee under the Chairmanship of Dr. Radha Binode Pal a noted jurist and a member of the Tokyo International War Crimes Tribunal, was mooted. To pre-empt such an effort, the Government of India appointed its own Committee, under the Chairmanship of Major general Shah Nawaz Khan. E Shah Nawaz Committee, already late by more than a decade and with no judicial attributes, commenced deliberations under the overpowering constraints of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's volte face declaration that "Netaji is dead, there can be no doubt about it."

The two "majority" members of the committee treated their own third colleague in a manner which did them little credit, but certainly eroded whatever had remained of their credibility.

But worse still is the track record of the Khosla Commission. Appointed on July 11,1970, in the wake of concerted demand made by more than three hundred Members of Parliament, almost 25 years after the event, Justice G.D. Khosla showed scant sincerity, interest or sanctity for his undertaking. Justice Khosla having headed over 30 Commissions in his lifetime had acquired certain notoriety as "professional" Commission. Already carrying the unconscionable burden of two other simultaneous assignments, to undertake a task that was at once difficult and delicate was a surprise.

Khosla's report submitted on June 30, 1974, after four years of yawning, sporadic and lethargic efforts, represents the lowest depth in the annals of judicial Commission in India. Khosla's lack of credibility is only compounded by the nadir of his judicial impropriety in publishing on the eve of submitting his report, a book Last Days of Netaji, based on the same material as his report.

Thus he violated the fidelity and confidentiality of his assigned task. He did singular dishonour, nay desecration to Subhas Bose's memory and betrayed the trust reposed by the nation in his judicial ability and integrity. A reading of Khosla's "command performance" Report reveals that he seems to have first arrived at his conclusions about Subhas' alleged death in the air-crash at Taihoku and then in support of his conclusion, he refers selectively only to evidence which buttressed his conclusions ignoring the rest.

But worse still, Khosla embarked upon the denigration of Netaji's personality, and in belittling his role in the freedom struggle and his contribution to the expulsion of all the colonial powers from the East. And in that uncalled for exercise, travelling for beyond his terms of reference, he shut his eyes completely to the unimpeachable evidence of several ministers, Generals and high functionaries - Japanese as well as of the Provisional Government of Free India.

In the expanding vistas of perestroika, sweeping across Russia after the distintegration of Soviet Union, it should not be difficult for India's present Government to find out the truth of the story that Stalin captured and kept Subhas Bose as a captive in Soviet Union. Similarly, Indian Government owes it to the nation to ascertain truth of Batliwals's belief that Subhas was shot dead by the British imperialists under the orders of Lord Mountbatten.