The
recent Jessica Lall case, and the activism the middle class played
in reopening the case and bringing the culprits to book, has raised
the question whether this class has developed a new sense of civic
involvement. Certainly, something has changed, but it is important
to assess what is the quantum of change. Was it a one-off spurt of
activism? Does it foretell a new level of social sensitivity, and
if so, what is the scope and range of this concern?
My book The Great Indian Middle Class, published in 1998, was a
critique of the propensity of the middle class Indian to be oblivious
to anything outside his or her immediate ken of interest. It lauded
the buoyancy, energy, entrepreneurship and resilience of this class,
but also gave it a poor scorecard on its ability to engage with
the larger issues of Indian society, such as poverty, illiteracy,
corruption and inequity. The question that needs to be asked is:
do middle class Indians continue to be just residents of where they
live, or are they gradually graduating to become citizens within
the civic space they occupy?
Before we answer this question, it is important to understand how
this class has evolved in the last decade or so. Firstly, its numbers
have grown. The definition that I use to define a person who has
climbed on to the middle class wagon is anyone who can afford three
meals a day, has a home to live in, and has access to basic health
care, public transport and schooling. Essentially, we are looking
at a class that is above the poor, and below the very rich, and
that makes its size very large. Secondly, the composition of the
class has changed. It is no more the exclusive club of the early
decades after Independence; today, much to the resentment of the
old guard, it consists of all kinds of interlopers,
including sizeable representatives of the bullock capitalists
from the countryside, who have husbanded their landed resources
skillfully and benefited from the Mandal reservations. Thirdly,
it is a far more aspirational class. The reticence it might have
had in the early days after liberalisation in pursuing the good
things of life has been decisively shed. Consumerism is no longer
a dirty word, and any notions of Gandhian austerity and Nehruvian
socialism have been definitively disowned. And, finally, it is a
more confident class, more global in its world view, surer of what
the future holds for it, and proud of where India appears to be
heading as an emerging global power.
Has the middle class also developed a greater awareness of its
civic responsibilities? One thing seems quite clear to most middle
class Indians: they are no longer in the drivers seat in running
the priorities of the Indian state. There was a time when they took
this role for granted, but the consolidation of democracy has politically
empowered the masses below them. The middle class is still influential,
but it realises that in order to get what it wants it has to compete
with other erstwhile more quiescent constituencies. This realisation
has perhaps made its members more aware of the need to aggressively
take up issues of, and in, its own interest. The newfound activism
of some Resident Welfare Associations in urban India is a good example
of this development.
The communications revolution in the country is an important factor
in this evolving situation. Almost every member of the middle class
has a mobile or plans to acquire one soon enough. SMS-ing has become
a very potent tool in galvanising this class into collective outrage.
The exponential increase in the reach of the media, and in particular
the electronic media where the fight for TRP ratings can make one
single issue appear to be the most important event in the destiny
of the nation, is also a contributing factor.
However, it is important not to lose a sense of perspective. The
middle class still responds to those issues which it co-relates
to its own well being. Jessica was a middle class girl, whose brutal
murder sent a chill down the spine of all urban middle class Indians.
The blatancy of the attempt to whitewash the culprit became a matter
of personal concern, and it was willing to come together to oppose
it. This is a positive development, but sobriety demands that we
do not take a quantum leap in wishful thinking into believing that
middle class Indians will react similarly to the dozens of rapes
and murders and acts of collusion among the powerful that go unreported
or happen to people who are not from its class. Even today, for
every one Jessica Lall for which the middle class so laudably organised
itself into action, there are thousands of smaller acts of injustice,
corruption, and unethical behaviour to which it is a party, and
mostly a beneficiary. If we were to draw a balance sheet, perhaps
the best that can be said is that the Indian middle class is today
on an important cusp: it has still to do much more in developing
the public spiritedness that is the hall mark of real civic sensitivity,
but it has made a beginning in that process, and only the future
will tell whether this nascent trend will survive.
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