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The four lessons from the Kargil war for a new India | Analysis

It has been 20 years since the Indian Army, with the help of the Indian Air Force, wrested back the glaciated heights of Kargil, in the Ladakh sector, from the Pakistan Army. But the attitude of the latter remains unchanged on cross-border terrorism, and against the normalisation of bilateral relations.

Updated on: Jul 15, 2019, 08:55:11 IST
Hindustan Times | By
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On July 26, 2019, President Ram Nath Kovind will be at the Operation Vijay memorial in Drass to pay homage to fallen Indian soldiers during the Kargil war two decades ago. Defence minister Rajnath Singh will lay the wreath to the fallen in Drass on July 20, and will be with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the National War Memorial on anniversary of the day India declared victory at Kargil.

Army soldiers pay homage to the Indian soldiers who died in the 1999 Kargil conflict between India and Pakistan across the disputed Kashmir region at the India Gate war memorial in New Delhi. (FIle photo for representation)
Army soldiers pay homage to the Indian soldiers who died in the 1999 Kargil conflict between India and Pakistan across the disputed Kashmir region at the India Gate war memorial in New Delhi. (FIle photo for representation)

It has been 20 years since the Indian Army, with the help of the Indian Air Force, wrested back the glaciated heights of Kargil, in the Ladakh sector, from the Pakistan Army. But the attitude of the latter remains unchanged on cross-border terrorism, and against the normalisation of bilateral relations.

One of the key lessons from Kargil is that the Rawalpindi GHQ, working with Pakistan-based terror groups, will stymie all attempts made by the political leaderships of both India and Pakistan to bridge the gap between the two countries. It was General Pervez Musharraf who moved the Northern Light Infantry in the guise of jihadists across the Line of Control (LoC) in the Kargil sector before then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee hugged his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif at Wagah in February 1999 as they signed the Lahore Declaration.

There is little chance of a bilateral dialogue with Pakistan now, with its present prime minister closely tied with the Pakistan Army and his survival linked directly to the Rawalpindi GHQ. With PM Modi working on bringing in more investment and opportunity to Jammu and Kashmir, the Pakistan Army is likely to exacerbate the situation on the LoC in the near future.

The second lesson of Kargil was the downside of fighting a battle within Indian territory. While 527 Indian troopers laid down their lives in evicting the Pakistani intruders from Mushok to Chorbat La in the Batalik sector, the victory did not extract a heavy price from Islamabad, apart from losing more or an equivalent number of soldiers. Two decades later, PM Modi has changed the paradigm with the Balakot air strike, as future Indian battles may now be fought on enemy territory.

While the Indian Army did not act upon top intelligence received about a collection of Pakistani troopers at Hamzigund across Kargil, and underestimated the enemy in the initial stages, the third lesson of war was that the era of stand-off weapons had dawned on the sub-continent, and the time for close combat was over.

Had it not been for Israeli tech support in the form of litening pods that laser-painted the targets and guided the bombs fired from the French Mirage 2000s, the duration of war would have been extended until a ceasefire agreement, which the Pakistan Army was looking for in its favor. The use of Israeli Searcher Mark I and II drones for reconnaissance of intruder positions in an airspace dominated by IAF fighters helped both the Indian infantry and artillery to target intruder bunkers. The use of laser-guided bombs by IAF — in Muntho Dalo in the Batalik sector and on Tiger Hill in Drass in June 1999 — was the turning point of the war.

The fourth lesson from Kargil was that Indian intelligence agencies must be empowered by the political leadership, unlike what had been done under the IK Gujral regime prior to the Kargil war. The defanging of India’s external intelligence agency, Research and Analysis Wing, under the Gujral Doctrine ensured that actionable intelligence was not available before the onset of war. However, RAW proved its mettle in June 1999 by intercepting a conversation between Musharraf in Beijing and his chief of staff General Mohammed Aziz to show the world that it was the Pakistan Army that had intruded in Kargil, not Kashmiri militants. The empowerment of RAW under PM Modi has ensured positive results in the form of the Surgical Strikes following the Uri attack, and the Balakot air strikes.

Finally, a key role was played by the US in getting the Pakistanis to climb down from the Kargil heights after a July 4, 1999 meeting between then PM Nawaz Sharif and then President Bill Clinton at Blair House in Washington.

While France, Israel and Russia provided military support to India in Kargil, it was under US pressure that Pakistan eventually ended its misadventure. This laid the foundation of a robust India-US relationship while further cementing ties with Israel, France and Russia. India under Modi has not forgotten its old friends while embracing new ones.

 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Shishir Gupta

Shishir Gupta is Executive Editor at Hindustan Times and one of India's top journalists covering national security, strategic affairs, foreign policy and geopolitics. Over the past three decades, he has extensively reported on India's military, diplomatic and security landscape, covering every major conflict and national security challenge, from the 1999 Kargil War and the 2020 East Ladakh standoff to Operation Sindoor in 2025. He has also covered major terror attacks, including the IC-814 hijacking, the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and the 2025 Pahalgam terror strike, along with numerous Pakistan-backed terrorist incidents in the Kashmir Valley and across India. He has reported on national and state elections for more than three decades. A recognised authority on strategic affairs, Gupta has covered India's nuclear programme since the Pokhran-II (Shakti series) tests in May 1998 and has written extensively on global nuclear issues, Indian diplomacy and the country's expanding global outreach. He has also reported widely on international conflicts and terrorism, with a special focus on the Indian subcontinent. Gupta has interviewed Prime Minister Narendra Modi more than four times, including Modi's first interview with the print media after becoming Prime Minister in May 2014. His other interviews include three with the Dalai Lama, as well as conversations with Benjamin Netanyahu, Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath, S. Jaishankar, Nirmala Sitharaman and Piyush Goyal. He is the author of Indian Mujahideen: The Enemy Within (Hachette, 2011) and Himalayan Face-off: Chinese Assertion and Indian Riposte (Hachette, 2014). He was awarded the Chevening-Wolfson Joint Scholarship at Wolfson College, University of Cambridge, UK, in 1998 and participated in the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) of the US State Department in 2006. He received the Ben Gurion Prize from Israel in 2011 and the K. Subrahmanyam Prize for Strategic Studies in 2015 from the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA). Since 2024, he has hosted Point Blank, Hindustan Times' weekly YouTube show on global geopolitics.

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