The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) retained six MLC seats in Uttar Pradesh (UP) in the recent polls but its loss of two seats in Varanasi and one in Lucknow reflects the brewing angst of the upper caste community against the party.
A union minister recently expressed confidence in managing the upper caste community, particularly the Brahmins’ anger over the controversial UGC amendment, in a private chat. But the election results confirm the palpable fear in the party that this issue could significantly impact the forthcoming 2027 assembly elections. Publicly, the BJP has downplayed the contentious issue.
In January 2026, the central government notified the University Grants Commission’s (Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions) Regulations, 2026 to prevent caste-based discrimination in higher education, mandating equity committees and monitoring teams comprising members from SC/ST and OBC communities.
This drew sharp reaction from upper-caste groups, including several Brahmin organisations and the Kshatriya Karni Sena, who feared its potential misuse by registration of fake or false complaints against the general category on campuses. Several petitions were filed in the Supreme Court, which led to the regulations being put on hold. Protests, however, continued.
Union ministers JP Nadda and Jitendra Singh met a high-profile delegation of general category groups in mid-September, who demanded a complete rollback of the UGC amendment. Though the government bought three weeks’ time to study the demands, the issue continues to be a source of discontent against the BJP, alienating its core voters that comprise Vaishya, Brahmin and Rajputs.
{{/usCountry}}Union ministers JP Nadda and Jitendra Singh met a high-profile delegation of general category groups in mid-September, who demanded a complete rollback of the UGC amendment. Though the government bought three weeks’ time to study the demands, the issue continues to be a source of discontent against the BJP, alienating its core voters that comprise Vaishya, Brahmin and Rajputs.
{{/usCountry}}The BJP’s dilemma is that any dilution or rollback of the controversial amendment would upset the lower castes. As such, these castes are sceptical about the BJP’s moves and motives and also their hand behind the rising demand to scrap quota.
Noticeably, the demand to roll back the UGC amendments, so far raised on the streets, seems to have manifested in the recent MLC polls with some electors sharing their anguish in Allahabad, Jhansi and Lucknow.
Dissecting the gains/losses of two major players
The MLC elections in the past evoked little interest as they were earlier fought largely on personal lines. Before the fragmentation of the teacher’s body, the Madhyamik Shikshak Sangh, into three different factions, political parties mattered little in MLC elections
The organisation was the voice of the teachers in the legislative council, raising their issues. Their politicisation, thereafter, marginalised the Sangh. The Sangh that used to dominate the discourse in the upper house lost its say: its strength dwindled leaving with one member as of now whose term will also end in 2028.
Besides the UGC amendments, several local issues -- unemployment, old pension scheme, over-worked school teachers because of round-the-year training and deployment at various government functions -- tilted the scales against the BJP.
Caste and communal considerations played an insignificant role, barring in Meerut and Bareilly-Moradabad seats, which the BJP won. The SP’s Muslim candidate Haji Danish Akhtar was defeated in Bareilly, a result the SP leadership needs to analyse closely.
Eight lakh voters across the state -- East, West, Central, Bundelkhand -- voted for 11 seats, with each covering eight to 10 districts. Thus, it was like a mini survey ahead of the assembly polls next year -- it seems the state is heading for a direct battle between the BJP and SP with their allies’ role restricted to few seats.
As for the NDA, the results have demonstrated the weakness of the allies -- Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party of Om Prakash Rajbhar, Nishad party of Sanjay Nishad, both ministers in the Yogi government and Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, a minister in the central government.
What went wrong? Politically, the BJP is citing three reasons: delay in ticket distribution, an indifferent cadre, internal bickerings and overconfidence in riding the so-called PM/CM wave. On the other hand, the SP leadership had geared up its cadre for a do-or-die battle. Counting continued for 58 hours in Varanasi and Gorakhpur but the SP cadre did not leave the centre.
Moreover, the SP has found dedicated leaders of castes that have been traditionally loyal to the BJP. The five winners include one Kayastha, one Kurmi, one Agarwal and two Yadavs.
Akhilesh Yadav has thus broadened the party’s social coalition with the evolving leadership of three prominent castes - Agarwals (Vaishyas) in Agra, Kurmis in Lucknow and Kayasthas in Varanasi.
Akash Agarwal, who had won in 2020 as an independent was aspiring for the BJP ticket, failing which he moved to the SP. The Vaishya community has been BJP supporters in the Agra-Aligarh divisions. Agarwal is an active leader and his emotional campaign led to repolling in three booths and suspension of six officials.
Incidentally, the BJP has an overwhelming presence in the UP assembly, Rajya Sabha and the state cabinet from Agra and Aligarh. Yogendra Upadhaya, the higher education minister, is from Agra and basic education minister Sandeep Singh grandson of BJP’s stalwart, late Kalyan Singh, is from Aligarh. Yet, the BJP failed to win the seat.
Sanjayan Tripathi, SP candidate from Gorakhpur, lost the seat but the SP has found a Brahmin leader in him. He has vowed to ensure the SP’s victory in 2027. Incidentally, the Faizabad-Basti-Gorakhpur belt has a considerable Brahmin population. Akhilesh has already fielded Tej Narayan Pandey alias Pawan Pandey from Ayodhya.
In its bid to win over non-Yadav backwards, mainly Kurmis and Lodhs, the BJP had given prominent positions to Kurmis in both the party organisation and government even though the Apna Dal, its ally, is a Kurmi-based party. State BJP chief Pankaj Choudhary is a Kurmi. Kalyan Singh and his family remain the biggest Lodh leaders. Yet Kanti Singh, a Kurmi, won the Lucknow seat.
Kayasthas form a sizable chunk of voters in Varanasi’s Cantt constituency. They too have been BJP supporters. However, Ashok Sinha won the seat. PDA remains the winning formula of SP, but poaching will continue in other formidable groups.