Who benefits from illegal mining in Aravalli hills?
Activists and opposition leaders are increasingly demanding the formation of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to probe the nexus of illegal mining. They argue that only an independent, high court-monitored investigation can uncover the truth
Gurugram: In another glaring instance of illegal mining in the Aravalli hills, a significant portion of a hillock was reduced to rubble in Pichopa Kalan village, Haryana’s Charkhi Dadri district, on Wednesday evening. The blast, allegedly orchestrated by a mining cartel with alleged political backing, is yet another example of the unchecked plunder of natural resources in the region.

Behind this illicit activity lies a sprawling network of beneficiaries. At the top of this hierarchy are influential local strongmen and politicians who allegedly broker deals for both legal and illegal mining leases. These individuals are well-connected and adept at navigating or manipulating bureaucratic systems to keep the mining operations running. Below them, middlemen—contractors and sub-contractors—manage daily operations, supervise workers, and often act as enforcers, intimidating locals who speak out. At the bottom rung are numerous truckers and machine operators who earn daily wages, often making more than they would through legal employment in the region.
Alleged political patronage
Central to the allegations is the claim that some ruling-party politicians either turn a blind eye to the illegal mining or actively assist in its operation. Activists and locals often name prominent political figures in connection with these activities, alleging campaign funding deals, quid pro quo arrangements, and tacit approvals that enable the mining mafia to thrive.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government in Haryana, headed by chief minister Nayab Saini, has been accused by locals of ignoring overwhelming evidence of illegal quarrying. Critics point to the tepid responses of the mining and forestry departments, which often cite “technical issues” or “jurisdictional complexities” to justify their inaction.
Opposition leaders, including Congress’s Randeep Singh Surjewala and Nuh MLA Aftab Ahmed, have called for a high court-monitored probe to investigate the alleged nexus between the mining mafia and political figures.
From hustlers to magnates
Illegal mining has created rags-to-riches stories in the region, illustrating how economic desperation often feeds into organised crime. Small-time laborers, once daily-wage earners, have risen to become key players in the illegal mining industry.
Shamsher Khan from Tauru in Nuh district started as a stone breaker, working for licensed contractors before the Supreme Court’s 2002 ban on mining in the Aravallis left him unemployed. As the demand for construction-grade stone persisted, Shamsher turned to illegal operations, eventually working for mining strongmen.
“In Nuh, one of the most underdeveloped districts in India, we have no other options,” he said.
On the other hand, individuals like Younis Khan climbed the ranks by initially purchasing a few dumper trucks for transporting illegally mined stones. Over time, Younis amassed enough wealth to invest in real estate and other luxuries. “Once you invest in a few trucks, the returns come quickly,” said a local activist who has tracked Younis’s rise.
Activists and journalists allege that the profits from illegal mining trickle upward to influential figures, with payoffs and political donations keeping government machinery complacent.
Role of local communities
The mining mafia often relies on tacit support among local populations, who then rely on the industry for livelihood. Illegal mining provides better-paying jobs than most local industries, attracting truck drivers, machine operators, and even lookouts.
However, these short-term economic benefits come at the expense of long-term sustainability. Public safety is often jeopardized by unregulated blasts, while the ecological toll on the fragile Aravalli ecosystem remains incalculable. “The youth who stand guard for the mining mafia do so because their families need the money,” said a village elder from Rawa.
Institutional failures
Despite stringent laws against unauthorised mining, enforcement remains weak. Activists blame understaffed forest and mining departments and allege that some officials profit by turning a blind eye. While occasional raids and FIRs follow high-profile incidents, convictions are rare.
In Faridabad’s Anangpur and Gurugram’s Sohna regions, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) has demanded action against unregulated quarrying. Yet, activists claim that official responses often end at bureaucratic paper trails, with show-cause notices issued but no meaningful action taken.
In Pichopa Kalan, villagers say the same networks operate brazenly despite repeated incidents. Even when FIRs are filed, the focus remains on low-level operatives rather than dismantling the broader syndicates.
Temporary crackdowns
Illegal mining activities often fluctuate with political cycles. During election periods, authorities may launch high-profile crackdowns to gain public approval. Raids, truck confiscations, and temporary sealing of crusher units become common. However, once elections are over, the activities resume, often with greater intensity.
“Before elections, we see a sudden wave of action against illegal mining, but it doesn’t last,” said a Charkhi Dadri social activist. “As soon as new officeholders settle in, things return to normal.”
Meanwhile, a stark contrast exists between small-time operators and the powerful syndicates that dominate illegal mining. While small-timers often join the business out of necessity, politically connected mining barons amass enormous wealth.
“It’s easy for the police to arrest a few youths or confiscate a dumper truck here and there,” an environmental lawyer from Gurugram notes. “But that doesn’t stem the tide unless the mastermind or funding source is cut off.”
The fear of retaliation silences many who witness or are affected by illegal mining. Villagers fear violent attacks or social ostracism if they speak up, while officials worry about political repercussions. Activists and journalists who report on the issue frequently face threats.
In Nuh, villagers claim the mining mafia operates with impunity, often resorting to violence to suppress dissent. This culture of intimidation ensures that locals remain silent, even as their resources and livelihoods are depleted.
Politics and roadblocks
Politicians from all parties routinely use the issue of illegal mining as a campaign talking point, vowing to protect the Aravallis and enforce the law. However, these promises rarely translate into sustained action.
Efforts to amend laws, such as the BJP’s proposed changes to the Punjab Land Preservation Act (PLPA) in 2019, have raised concerns about eroding environmental protections under the guise of development. Public and legal pressure temporarily halted these amendments, but activists remain wary of future attempts to weaken safeguards.
Activists and opposition leaders are increasingly demanding the formation of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to probe the nexus of illegal mining. They argue that only an independent, high court-monitored investigation can uncover the truth.
Such an SIT, they say, should include experts in environmental law, geology, and financial forensics to follow the money trail and dismantle the syndicates. “Without an independent investigation, it’s impossible to break this cycle,” said Randeep Singh Surjewala.
However, even if an SIT is formed, sustained public pressure will be crucial to ensure its recommendations are implemented. Past investigations into illegal mining in Haryana have often led to detailed reports that remain unacted upon.
