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Can the AIUDF inflict more pain on Congress in Assam? | Number Theory

The AIUDF’s political resurrection in these elections poses a grim question for the Congress

Updated on: Oct 16, 2026, 06:57:32 IST
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The results of the recently held Nagaon parliamentary constituency (PC) bypoll in Assam suggest more trouble for the already troubled Congress party in the state. The Congress won the Nagaon PC with 50% vote share in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Its MP, Pradyut Bordoloi, left the Congress to join the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) just before the 2026 assembly elections, which triggered the bypoll. Not only did the Congress lose the bypoll, it did so very badly, managing to

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  • AIUDF’s primary support base in Assam was among Muslim voters
    According to the 2011 census, Muslims accounted for 34.2% of Assam’s population, the highest among Indian states. Within the state, the Muslim population is pretty skewed, with just 14 out of Assam’s 27 Census 2011 districts accounting for 90% of the state’s Muslims. The AIUDF contested its first assembly election in 2006 and registered its best performance in 2011 when it won 18 out of the state’s 126 assembly constituencies (ACs). If one were to divide the state into two parts dividing 90% and 10% of the state’s Muslim population, at least 92.3% of the AIUDF’s MLAS and 94.5% of its vote share in every assembly election between 2006 to 2016 came from the former. In 2021, even when the AIUDF had an alliance with the Congress, all of its MLAs came from the Muslim dominated districts. However, its graph fell really badly even in the Muslim majority districts in the 2024 and 2026 Lok Sabha and assembly elections.
  • The 2021 Congress-AIUDF alliance marked a recent peak of Muslim representation in Assam assembly
    HT’s historical database of the religious composition of the Assam assembly shows that the state’s highest share of Muslim MLAs was in the 1983 elections when 33 Muslim MLAs were elected in an assembly of 126. This number fell sharply to 24 by the 1991 election and remained constant until 2006, the first election when the AIUDF contested. The number increased once again to 31 by 2021, when the Congress and the AIUDF formed an alliance. The 2026 election, which saw the Congress and the AIUDF contest separately and also a delimitation of AC boundaries, saw the number of Muslim MLAs fall to 22, the lowest since 1972. The 2026 results were also marked by the share of Congress among Muslim MLAs reaching its highest since 1972, while that of the AIUDF’s fell to its lowest since 2006.
  • What has changed between 1972 and 2026 for the Congress is its marginalization among non-Muslim voters
    In the last three assembly elections (2016, 2021, and 2026), the share of Muslim MLAs in the Congress’s total MLAs has always been greater than 50%-- it was 57.7%, 55.2%, and 94.7%. Between 1972 and 2006, this number was never above 32.3% (which happened in the 1996 assembly elections). Between 2006 and 2026, the share of Congress votes coming from the 13 districts with just 10% of the total state Muslim population has been declining. It was 44.7% in 2006, came down to 37.7% in 2016 and dropped to a historic low of 26.3% in the 2026 assembly elections. In the 2006 assembly elections, out of 53 ACs it won, it won 26 from the districts with 10% of the total Muslim population. In the 2026 elections, it managed to win just one AC from these districts. If the Congress were to lose substantial support even among Muslims, it could suffer further marginalisation in a state it ruled for decades.
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Roshan Kishore

Roshan Kishore is the Data and Political Economy Editor at Hindustan Times. He heads the newsroom's data journalism team, which produces Number Theory, a daily data-driven feature for the print edition and the HT app. Number Theory uses data analysis and story-telling based on it to add value to the newsroom’s daily coverage by putting stories in a larger context on a range of issues, including politics, macroeconomy, markets, global affairs and climate. Under his leadership HT’s data journalism work has established itself as a niche product in Indian journalism and pushed the boundaries of marrying academic rigour with news sense and speed. Along with writing and editing data stories, he has also been writing a weekly political economy column called Terms of Trade for HT Premium. A trained economist with an MPhil degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kishore has also been a visiting fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania. Along with his journalistic work, his writings have also appeared in journals such as the Economic and Political Weekly and working papers for CASI and UNESCAP.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Nishant Ranjan

Nishant Ranjan has been working as a data journalist with Hindustan Times since 2023. In this short period, he has established a niche for creating original datasets and utilising them to produce journalistic work that pushes the boundaries of journalism. The list of datasets and stories done by him include the following: a dataset of all 717 chief ministers India has had since 1952, a dataset of all 3,350 members of India’s council of ministers, a dataset of all 190 deputy chief ministers in India and a dataset of all 279 Supreme Court judges in India (1950-2025). He has also profiled each elected Muslim MLA/MP since 1952. He is a mining engineer by training who decided to pursue a Master's in Development Studies from TISS after working in a coal mine for 10 months. He also worked as a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, researching local governance in India. He also has a keen interest in analyzing electoral politics and political executives in India.

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