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Muslim representation and political parties in India | Number Theory

What about the relation between politics and Muslim representation though?

Updated on: Jun 20, 2026, 06:56:08 IST
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The first part of this series looked at the overall share and regional distribution of India’s Muslim MLAs and MPs. It showed that Muslim representation is disproportionately skewed in pockets with higher population share of Muslims. What about the relation between politics and Muslim representation though?

Muslim representation is disproportionately skewed in pockets with higher population share of Muslims. (Representative photo)
Muslim representation is disproportionately skewed in pockets with higher population share of Muslims. (Representative photo)
  • Congress has the highest share of Muslim MLAs and MPs; BJP has the lowest
    46% of India’s all Muslim Lok Sabha MPs and 39% of Muslim MLAs have been elected from the Congress. Less than one percent of them have been elected from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or its predecessor, the Bharatiya Jan Sangh. The fact that the BJP has had only 19 Muslims MLAs and four MPs despite having 15% of all MLAs and 20% of all MPs in India means that every other political group has a higher relative share among Muslim MLAs and MPs in India.
  • More interesting is the temporal churn in Muslim representation across parties
    The fact that overall representation of Muslim MLAs and MPs is broadly stable across time in India does not mean that the relation between Muslims and politics has been stagnant. This is best seen in the party-wise composition of India’s Muslim MLAs and MPs across different phases of politics in India. The most commonly used classification of political epochs in post-independence India is the party-system categorization which is inspired by the concept of the Congress system of political scientist Rajni Kothari. Indian politics, as of now, can be divided into four party systems. The first (1952-66) captures the era of absolute dominance of the Congress. The second (1967-88) captures Congress still being strong in the Centre but getting weakened in the states. The third (1989-2013) captures the era of coalition politics even at the Centre. The fourth (2014 onwards) is the era where the BJP has emerged as the dominant national party. The Congress’s share in India’s Muslim MLAs and MPs was the highest in the First Party System and has been falling steadily since . The socialists and communists saw their shares peak under the Third Party System. The Fourth Party System has seen a majority of Muslim MLA/MPs come from other parties, which apart from the BJP also exclude the Congress, socialists and communists. The top three parties in this category are the Trinamool Congress, Indian Union Muslim League and the National Conference.
  • What is unambiguous is the falling share of Muslims in the Rajya Sabha…
    Rajya Sabha is the house of the states in India whose members are elected by MLAs in India’s legislative assemblies. Because the results are mostly pre-ordained on the basis of the existing strength of different political parties in respective legislative assemblies, the share of Muslims is more a reflection of parties nominating Muslims as candidates to these elections. Here, the share of Muslims shows a consistent and large fall across decades, from 11.8% in 1950s to just 6.7% in 2020s. To be sure, Muslims have a higher share in Rajya Sabha than Lok Sabha.
  • Which is driving the lower representation?
    The BJP has not offered representation to Muslims in the Rajya Sabha. And the Congress, socialists and communists have not seen much change in their share of Muslim MPs in Rajya Sabha. But these parties have seen a decline in their overall representation in the Rajya Sabha in the more recent past. Herein lies the reason for the falling share of Muslims in Rajya Sabha.

This is the second of a two-part series based on an HT database of all-Muslim MPs and MLAs in India. The first part looked at the representation of Muslims across states and over time.

 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Nishant Ranjan

Nishant Ranjan has been working as a data journalist with Hindustan Times since 2023. In this short period, he has established a niche for creating original datasets and utilising them to produce journalistic work that pushes the boundaries of journalism. The list of datasets and stories done by him include the following: a dataset of all 717 chief ministers India has had since 1952, a dataset of all 3,350 members of India’s council of ministers, a dataset of all 190 deputy chief ministers in India and a dataset of all 279 Supreme Court judges in India (1950-2025). He has also profiled each elected Muslim MLA/MP since 1952. He is a mining engineer by training who decided to pursue a Master's in Development Studies from TISS after working in a coal mine for 10 months. He also worked as a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, researching local governance in India. He also has a keen interest in analyzing electoral politics and political executives in India.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Roshan Kishore

Roshan Kishore is the Data and Political Economy Editor at Hindustan Times. He heads the newsroom's data journalism team, which produces Number Theory, a daily data-driven feature for the print edition and the HT app. Number Theory uses data analysis and story-telling based on it to add value to the newsroom’s daily coverage by putting stories in a larger context on a range of issues, including politics, macroeconomy, markets, global affairs and climate. Under his leadership HT’s data journalism work has established itself as a niche product in Indian journalism and pushed the boundaries of marrying academic rigour with news sense and speed. Along with writing and editing data stories, he has also been writing a weekly political economy column called Terms of Trade for HT Premium. A trained economist with an MPhil degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kishore has also been a visiting fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania. Along with his journalistic work, his writings have also appeared in journals such as the Economic and Political Weekly and working papers for CASI and UNESCAP.

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