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India’s ties with Nepal set for deep freeze after Kathmandu’s decisive step on new map

Kathmandu politics will never say yes to India as they feel that it weakens them politically. India will ignore the politics but continue to cement ties with people

Updated on: Jun 10, 2020, 10:38:02 IST
Hindustan Times, New Delhi | By
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Nepal’s lower house on Tuesday evening made a strong pitch in favour of the constitution amendment bill to redraw Nepal’s political map that could lead to a freeze in relations between Kathmandu and New Delhi.

Nepal Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli had whipped up ultra-nationalistic sentiments in Kathmandu over India’s road project (REUTERS)
Nepal Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli had whipped up ultra-nationalistic sentiments in Kathmandu over India’s road project (REUTERS)

The new political map pushed hard by the KP Sharma Oli government is set to clear the first legislative hurdle in the lower house. The constitution amendment bill will next go to the 59-member National Assembly where the ruling Communist Party of Nepal has an overwhelming majority.

The map, cleared by the Oli Cabinet last month, counts Indian territories of Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura as its own. Its passage by the cabinet on May 18 had angered India that asked Nepal to “refrain from such unjustified cartographic assertion” for an “artificial enlargement of territorial claims”.

That message from New Delhi appeared to have gone unheard in Kathmandu.

Also Read: The costs of anti-Indian nationalism in Nepal | HT Editorial

Opposition parties that have been attacking the Oli government for his handling of the economy and Covid-19 found themselves coming around to back PM Oli in the lower house on Tuesday. PM Oli needs a two-third majority in both houses of Nepal’s Parliament.

It was supported by political parties across the spectrum - 83 MPs spoke at Tuesday’s meeting - but the formal approval could take some time as the proposal for consideration of the bill “was adopted with lawmakers given 72 hours to file an amendment to the bill”. It would be passed once the chief whips of political parties agree that no amendment is required.

There has been no formal response from New Delhi to Tuesday’s development. “There may be one later to set the record straight, a senior government official told Hindustan Times.

Also Read: Decoding the India-Nepal dispute | Opinion

New Delhi is furious at Nepal’s political leaders creating a boundary dispute with India to serve their respective domestic political interests and is expected to cold shoulder requests for a dialogue.

“Once Nepal cabinet and then parliament backed changes to its map to incorporate Indian territory, there isn’t a lot to talk about,” a senior government official said hours after Nepal’s foreign minister Pradeep Gyawali spoke of his country’s desire to talk to New Delhi to resolve the boundary issue.

“We have expressed time and again that Nepal wants to sit at the table to resolve this problem,” Pradeep Gyawali had told news agency Associated Press on Tuesday.

The foreign minister’s boss PM Oli had ignited the row after India reissued its map to incorporate changes in Jammu and Kashmir that had been carved into two union territories. Like in all previous maps, this one too continued to count Lipulekh, Kalapani and Limpiyadhura as part of the Indian state of Uttarakhand.

Also Read: The past, present and future of the Nepal-India stand-off | Analysis

The two countries planned to hold a round of discussions at the foreign secretary’s level to address Nepal’s concerns but the meetings couldt be scheduled for one reason or the other.

PM Oli’s government, however, renewed the attacks after India inaugurated an 80-km road in Uttarakhand that almost goes up till Lipulekh Pass at the India-China border. This project essentially involved building a metalled road connecting Dharchula town in Uttarakhand to the Lipulekh pass.

New Delhi was surprised when Kathmandu protested over the road that had been built in indian territory.

This area, spread over 330 sq km near Nepal’s western tri-junction with India and China, had always been part of India in every map that had been issued for more than a century and in terms of the ground situation, a senior official said. This claim was also accepted by the Chinese when it inked a pact with India to trade via Lipulekh pass back in 1954. When the two sides mentioned LipuLekh as a bilateral trade route in a 2015 joint statement sixty years later, Nepal registered its protest.

Behind the sharp rhetoric from Kathmandu over the road and Covid-19 in recent weeks, Indian officials said PM Oli appeared to be aiming to immortalize himself in Nepal’s history as the prime minister who stood up to its big neighbour. Quite like Prime Minister Kirtinidhi Bista who persuaded Indira Gandhi in 1969 to wind up Indian military posts along the Nepal frontier. When former foreign secretary Shyam Saran was India’s ambassador to Kathmandu, Bista told him that he counted his conversation with Gandhi as his life’s “greatest moment”.

In recent years, Indian officials said Nepal politicians had found themselves unable to take a stand on India and found it politically expedient to lay the blame at India’s doors.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in contrast, had gone an extra mile to accommodate the himalayan nation.

Like when the two countries were looking at a new pact to replace the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the two countries, PM Modi had messaged early in his first stint as prime minister that Kathmandu could put together the first draft of the new treaty which the two sides could discuss.

When Nepal had reservations over the 50:50 funding format proposed for the Pancheshwar dam project, PM Modi had again asked Nepal to contribute what it could and promised to pool in the rest.

 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Shishir Gupta

Shishir Gupta is Executive Editor at Hindustan Times and one of India's top journalists covering national security, strategic affairs, foreign policy and geopolitics. Over the past three decades, he has extensively reported on India's military, diplomatic and security landscape, covering every major conflict and national security challenge, from the 1999 Kargil War and the 2020 East Ladakh standoff to Operation Sindoor in 2025. He has also covered major terror attacks, including the IC-814 hijacking, the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and the 2025 Pahalgam terror strike, along with numerous Pakistan-backed terrorist incidents in the Kashmir Valley and across India. He has reported on national and state elections for more than three decades. A recognised authority on strategic affairs, Gupta has covered India's nuclear programme since the Pokhran-II (Shakti series) tests in May 1998 and has written extensively on global nuclear issues, Indian diplomacy and the country's expanding global outreach. He has also reported widely on international conflicts and terrorism, with a special focus on the Indian subcontinent. Gupta has interviewed Prime Minister Narendra Modi more than four times, including Modi's first interview with the print media after becoming Prime Minister in May 2014. His other interviews include three with the Dalai Lama, as well as conversations with Benjamin Netanyahu, Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath, S. Jaishankar, Nirmala Sitharaman and Piyush Goyal. He is the author of Indian Mujahideen: The Enemy Within (Hachette, 2011) and Himalayan Face-off: Chinese Assertion and Indian Riposte (Hachette, 2014). He was awarded the Chevening-Wolfson Joint Scholarship at Wolfson College, University of Cambridge, UK, in 1998 and participated in the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) of the US State Department in 2006. He received the Ben Gurion Prize from Israel in 2011 and the K. Subrahmanyam Prize for Strategic Studies in 2015 from the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA). Since 2024, he has hosted Point Blank, Hindustan Times' weekly YouTube show on global geopolitics.

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