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There's a big caste angle in women's quota, delimitation link: How OBCs and census come into picture, beyond South fears

Demand for OBC quotas, even within women's reservation, is not new. It is, in fact, a primary reason why women's quota remained blocked in Parliament for years.

Updated on: Apr 17, 2026 7:50 PM IST
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When Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi rose to speak in the Lok Sabha on Friday, he did not begin with the South-may-lose-seats argument that has dominated headlines since the delimitation bill linked to the women’s quota amendment was tabled.

Samajwadi Party (SP) MP Dimple Yadav speaks in the Lok Sabha on Friday, April 17. (Sansad TV/ANI Video Grab)
Samajwadi Party (SP) MP Dimple Yadav speaks in the Lok Sabha on Friday, April 17. (Sansad TV/ANI Video Grab)

He began with a different charge entirely.

"This is not a bill for women. This has nothing to do with the empowerment of women," he said in the House. He then offered what he described as a simple test. "Bring that old bill back right now and we will help you pass it for implementation from this second," he said.

The "old bill" he was referring to is the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam already passed unanimously by both Houses in 2023. That provides for 33% reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies.

It is to come into effect after the completion of the first census after its commencement. That would mean the much-delayed census that’s being done now, likely to be finished in 2027. After the census, there would be a delimitation commission. That would push the women’s quota implementation beyond the 2029 election.

Three new bills — Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, Delimitation Bill 2026, and UT Laws (Amendment) Bill 2026 — sought to remove the ‘latest census’ stipulation. The main, amendment bill was defeated in the Lok Sabha by Friday evening, as the BJP-led government never had the two-third majority needed.

These now-defeated bills proposed a system by which the government could decide to use any census for a delimitation.

For now, the plan was limited to the Lok Sabha, the government's statements suggested.

The government argued that the delimitation — to increase the seats by at least 50% — would lead to quicker implementation of the women's quota. Say, seats go up from 543 to 816; and that additional one-third can be reserved for women.

But the Opposition contended the 2023 women's quota law can be implemented instead. Congress leader Sonia Gandhi wrote that the party was fine with implementing it even in the current House strength of 543.

The Congress further alleged that the real purpose of the new bills was to trigger a delimitation sooner — with women's quota being used as cover.

Delimitation can't be ‘hastened’

Originally, delimitation, or a rejig of the Lok Sabha size, has been pushed forward for almost 50 years now. It is next due as per any census conducted “after 2026”.

But the redrawing of the electoral map needs deeper consultation, because population alone cannot be the basis, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor said on Friday.

There are indeed concerns, particularly among lower-population-growth states in the South, and caste groups that want a say before any any delimitation is carried out.

The argument is straight-line — that there are “no issues” with giving 33% women’s quota; but don’t hasten delimitation without addressing complex questions.

One of those questions is about caste.

A major allegation against the Modi regime is that the latest bills were designed to “sideline” the caste count being done as part of Census 2026-27.This is the first census that is counting all castes — SCs and STs are already counted — after almost 100 years. The Scheduled Castes and Tribes (SCs, STs) already get some quota in Parliament and assemblies.

Numbers from this census can thus impact what, and how much, is given to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). They are the largest chunk of India’s population by estimates so far.

The OBC question

Rahul Gandhi was explicit about this in the Lok Sabha: “What they (government) are trying to do is avoid giving power and representation to my OBC brothers and sisters.”

He alleged, “The government is trying to make sure that the caste census has nothing to do with representation for the next 10-15 years.”

He connected this to a specific chronology:

  • The Union cabinet approved a caste census as part of the ongoing national census — the first such exercise since 1931 — last year.
  • But the delimitation exercise, as proposed now by the latest bills, will use the 2011 census, not the new 2026-27 data that will come.
  • Amit Shah has given a promise that there will be just a flat 50% hike in seats, with no change in states’ shares. But that’s not what the bills said.
  • The Delimitation Bill 2026 said "the latest published census as on the date of the constitution of the Delimitation Commission" will be used, when the government of the day may decide. That for now meant 2011, as per analysis by the think tank PRS India.

Samajwadi Party MP and former Uttar Pradesh CM Akhilesh Yadav, who comes from an OBC community, made the same point in Parliament on Thursday.

"They are running away from the census because… demand for reservations will rise," he said, “When we listen to the Prime Minister (Narendra Modi), he says he belongs to the OBC group. But when it comes to reservation, I would like to hear the government speak on how much is going to be reserved for the OBCs.” Amit Shah had again underlined on Friday that PM Modi is from an OBC group.

Constitutional gap exists

The demand for OBC quotas, even within women's reservation, is not new.

It is, in fact, a primary reason why women's reservation remained blocked in Parliament for years.

The 81st Constitutional Amendment Bill for 33% women's reservation was first introduced in 1996 under Prime Minister HD Deve Gowda. It was discussed again in 1997 and 1998, but lapsed each time. A 2008 bill during the Congress-led UPA time passed the Rajya Sabha test in 2010, but was never voted on in the Lok Sabha. Political consensus could not emerge.

The reason, consistently, was the insistence of parties representing OBCs communities — such as the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal of UP and Bihar — that a sub-quota for OBC women be included. Women are not a homogenous group, and caste and other factors impact different sections of women differently, they have argued — as have political scientists.

The legal issue is that the demand for OBC quota cannot currently be met. The Constitution of India only provides for 15% and 7.5% reservation for SCs and STs. A Joint Parliamentary Committee had in the 1990s recommended that OBC reservation within women's quota be considered "once the Constitution is amended to permit OBC quota” at all.

An amendment for OBC quota in Parliament and assemblies has never been made. Because, at the outset, that requires data. Specifically, the caste census data that would establish the basis for such a claim.

Why sequence matters

The last time India counted caste comprehensively was in 1931, under the British. After Independence, PM Jawaharlal Nehru chose to exclude caste data from the decennial census, arguing it would entrench social divisions. SC and ST counts continued, but OBC enumeration stopped at the national level.

In 1980, the Mandal Commission — working without hard data — estimated OBCs at 52% of India's population. That figure became the basis for the 27% OBC quota in government jobs implemented in 1990, and some related decisions thereafter.

State-level surveys conducted in recent years suggest the data of over 50% OBCs may in fact be correct. Bihar's 2023 caste survey found that such classes were 63%, while the General (“upper caste”) category share was just 15.5%. In local-level elections, OBCs have got quotas in Bihar and some other places. Telangana recently released its count, putting OBCs at over 60%.

That’s a pattern showing that OBCs are substantially larger than the 27% job-quota figure.This was the Opposition's argument for a nationwide caste census.

"Detailed caste data might strengthen demands for proportional representation, especially from OBC communities, making seat redistribution far more contested,” said Manoj Kumar Jha, a professor who is a Rajya Sabha MP from the RJD.

Political scientist Zoya Hasan has argued that the BJP, which has carefully built an electoral grouping of its upper-caste base with some OBC groups, “reluctantly agreed to a caste census”.

The 2011 census is “safer” for the BJP as a basis for delimitation, she said to The Wire, as that does not have OBC data.

A caste count, as being done in the ongoing census, could “empower OBCs to demand more and possibly look beyond the BJP”.

What the bills do not say

Home minister Amit Shah has told the Lok Sabha that the Union cabinet has approved a caste count already; and that such data will be collected in the second phase of the ongoing census.

But the delimitation exercise, as the text of the bills showed, would have used the 2011 census.

Both PM Modi and Amit Shah alleged that the Opposition was “using technical alibis” and “kintu-parantu” (if-but) as they “actually just oppose the women’s quota”.

But Rahul Gandhi argued the Opposition's position in the House and on social media. He noted that if delimitation happened first using 2011 data, that would lock the seats for the foreseeable future. When the latest caste data comes later — with whatever it reveals about OBC size — will arrive only after the map has already been redrawn. "The government is trying to make sure that the caste census has nothing to do with representation for the next 10-15 years," he said.

Congress leaders have also noted that women's quota has already been okayed in 2023; but that questions of caste and regional representation cannot be wished away by tweaking laws.

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra of the Congress jibed Amit Shah on Thursday by saying “everyone knows” his plan. Referring to a fabled royal adviser believed to have lived about 2,300 years ago, she said, “If Chanakya were alive, he would have been shocked by your political scheming,” as the House let out a collective chuckle. Amit Shah smiled too.

“My sister achieved something in five minutes that I have not been able to in, maybe, 20 years of our political career,” Rahul Gandhi said in his speech on Friday, “which was to make Amit Shah ji smile.”

For now, the government anyway did not have a two-thirds majority needed to pass a constitutional amendment. The debate won't stop. And then will come the caste data at some point in the next two years.

  • Aarish Chhabra
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Aarish Chhabra

    Aarish Chhabra is an Associate Editor with the Hindustan Times online team, writing news reports and explanatory articles, besides overseeing coverage for the website. His career spans nearly two decades across India's most respected newsrooms in print, digital, and broadcast. He has reported, written, and edited across formats — from breaking news and live election coverage, to analytical long-reads and cultural commentary — building a body of work that reflects both editorial rigour and a deep curiosity about the society he writes for. Aarish studied English literature, sociology and history, besides journalism, at Panjab University, Chandigarh, and started his career in that city, eventually moving to Delhi. He is also the author of ‘The Big Small Town: How Life Looks from Chandigarh’, a collection of critical essays originally serialised as a weekly column in the Hindustan Times, examining the culture and politics of a city that is far more than its famous architecture — and, in doing so, holding up a mirror to modern India. In stints at the BBC, The Indian Express, NDTV, and Jagran New Media, he worked across formats and languages; mainly English, also Hindi and Punjabi. He was part of the crack team for the BBC Explainer project replicated across the world by the broadcaster. At Jagran, he developed editorial guides and trained journalists on integrity and content quality. He has also worked at the intersection of journalism and education. At the Indian School of Business (ISB), Hyderabad, he developed a website that simplified academic research in management. At Bennett University's Times School of Media in Noida, he taught students the craft of digital journalism: from newsgathering and writing, to social media strategy and video storytelling. Having moved from a small town to a bigger town to a mega city for education and work, his intellectual passions lie at the intersection of society, politics, and popular culture — a perspective that informs both his writing and his view of the world. When not working, he is constantly reading long-form journalism or watching brainrot content, sometimes both at the same time.Read More

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