After more than a week of fierce border clashes that claimed dozens of lives, Pakistan and Afghanistan have agreed on a ceasefire in talks brokered by Qatar and Türkiye. The two sides also agreed to hold follow-up meetings to implement the ceasefire and establish a mechanism to consolidate stability. This follows a temporary truce last week that did not hold and was followed by heavy fighting and reports of air strikes by Pakistan. The hostilities were triggered by Pakistan’s air
After more than a week of fierce border clashes that claimed dozens of lives, Pakistan and Afghanistan have agreed on a ceasefire in talks brokered by Qatar and Türkiye. The two sides also agreed to hold follow-up meetings to implement the ceasefire and establish a mechanism to consolidate stability. This follows a temporary truce last week that did not hold and was followed by heavy fighting and reports of air strikes by Pakistan. The hostilities were triggered by Pakistan’s air strikes within Afghan territory on October 9 that apparently targeted the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Instead of focusing on the real issues at the heart of tensions, Pakistan’s leadership — especially army chief Asim Munir and defence minister Khawaja Asif — have sought to drag India into the episode by describing the Taliban regime in Kabul as a proxy of New Delhi. This is all the more ironic given Pakistan’s past role as the group’s main external supporter.
The current imbroglio is largely of Pakistan’s own making. At the heart of the problem is Pakistan’s investment in terrorist groups to further its foreign policy goals. The TTP is currently Pakistan’s bugbear, but the country tolerated the group for years before it began challenging the State’s authority in the erstwhile tribal areas and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province. The Taliban, which Pakistan now perceives as an enemy, was created with the deep State’s help in religious seminaries in the country’s northwest. The Pakistani deep State saw the Taliban as “their boys”. The battle-hardened boys have grown up, developed an independent streak and turned against their former benefactors.
Part of Pakistan’s anger is derived from Taliban foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi’s recent visit to India, which saw him interacting with officials, business representatives and clerics. India’s engagement with the Taliban, while stopping short of formal recognition of the regime in Kabul, boosts the group’s efforts to gain acceptance. Pakistan’s refusal to accept Afghanistan as a nation with agency and its refusal to stop messing around in Kabul are now being resisted. Pakistan’s mistreatment of its own people, especially non-Punjabis, has complicated the picture. As always, Pakistan wants to blame India for its failures. But to ratchet up the nuclear threat to divert attention from its misadventures in Afghanistan — including air strikes in Kabul and border areas and drone attacks on the civilian populace — is unacceptable. This can only worsen the security situation in the subcontinent, and India should be prepared for any fallout.
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