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Keeping up with UP| Caste census: The politics of numbers
Every political party, since independence, has caste-wise data of every assembly and Lok Sabha constituency
In the late 1980s, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) founder-president Kanshi Ram began to project obscure leaders from the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) as caste heroes at rallies focused on relevant communities. As part of Kanshi Ram’s plan, their statues were installed in areas dominated by their followers in the rural pockets of Uttar Pradesh (UP). People heard the folklore associated with Bijli Pasi, Jhalkari Bai, Baaladin and Veerapasi among others. At the time, big parties often mocked these meetings, terming them politically inconsequential as these castes lacked the numbers and voice.
Until then, the two marginalised groups -- Dalits and backwards – were not under one political banner even though socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia had raised the slogan of “pichre paayen saun mein sath” (Dalits and OBCs should get 60% quota) in the 1960s. The Dalits at the time supported the Congress; the OBCs preferred socialist parties.
Realising that social empowerment was not possible until the marginalised classes attained political empowerment, Kanshi Ram gave the slogan of “Jiski jitni sankhya bhari, uski utni hissedari” (proportionate participation according to population). Interesting to note how, many years later, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, taking a leaf out of Kanshi Ram’s book, raised the slogan: “Jitni aabadi, utna haq.”
Over the years, the hunger for political empowerment grew among the marginalised castes as they started demanding/sharing power both at the Centre and in the state.
Every political party, since independence, has caste-wise data of every assembly and Lok Sabha constituency. This remains the guiding factor in the selection of candidates for polls. Since Independence, elections in many constituencies have been fought or influenced on caste lines.
Thus, the clock has turned a full circle with the government announcing the caste census, completing the politics of numbers that Lohia and Kanshi Ram had started.
What’s next as the Centre’s announcement has created huge excitement and expectations among the marginalised classes? Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s move may have wider whys and wherefores, which will be reflected in government policies, revenue allocation after the enumeration is over.
But at the ground level, the buzz is all about quota in education and employment as the government has opened up many welfare schemes for the poor, from housing to health.
“But where are the jobs?” asks Vijay Shankar Pandey, a former IAS officer who had a reputation for battling corruption during his service tenure. Pandey said that it was fine to increase quota, but first jobs should be generated.
Citing the example of Uttar Pradesh, he said, “According to government data, there are about 13 lakh employees with an average tenure of 30 years. Thus, 40,000 jobs are created annually due to deaths and retirement. About 24,000 are reserved for SCs and OBCs leaving merely 16,000 posts for which there are five crore aspirants. If the quota is raised to 75%, then also how would it make a difference?”
Prof AK Singh, former director of the Giri Institute of Development Studies: said, “At present, there is no firm estimate of the population of different caste groups. The recent NSS surveys put the number of OBCs at around 46%, while OBC leaders claim their numbers are around 55%. The caste census will give us the right data on population and relative socio-economic backwardness of different caste groups. This will enable the government to take suitable measures to tackle inequalities in the society and rationalise its policies.”
Singh allayed fears about merit getting compromised, saying the apprehensions about the decline in the quality of recruitment are misplaced. “With a spread in educational facilities, the gap between the upper caste and the lower caste is being reduced. The government will also lay down the minimum qualifications and standards for recruitment. I don’t feel that the caste data will lead to a feeling of division in the society though some adjustments would be required to ensure greater social equality.”
Some experts fear caste conflicts could erupt after the census like the post-Mandal clashes in which upper caste youths had immolated themselves. Also, many castes with a low population but high literacy rate see their prospects down. Much would depend on how politicians play their part as each would want credit for favourable changes in elections.
UP HAD A GLIMPSE OF CASTE SURVEY IN PAST
In 2001, the then chief minister Rajnath Singh, now the defence minister, had constituted a Social Justice Committee under the chairmanship of the late minister Hukum Singh, a few months before the state was heading for the 2002 assembly polls.
The committee had looked into the employment and educational levels of the backwards and scheduled castes in two months’ time. The members had toured the state extensively. They also studied the caste arrangements in Punjab, Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Bihar.
According to their findings, the Jatavs and Yadavs had accounted for a major share of quota – 59% of the 21% for the SCs while Yadavs had 34% share in 27% for the OBCs. The government had then recommended 10% quota for the Jatavs and remaining 11% for the 65 other sub-castes.
Similarly, the OBC quota was divided into three sections, namely backwards (Yadavs and Ahirs), most backward (Kurmis and others) and extremely backward castes (70 sub-castes) with defined quota of 5%, 8% and 14% respectively.
Ahead of the 2002 assembly elections, the government move had evoked mixed reactions with a BJP leader noting, “One must admit social justice and social harmony cannot go together.” The BJP lost the elections while the court shelved the recommendations.
The caste census is needed to know the numbers, but for what? For drawing policies or garnering votes? This would decide the actual impact of the enumeration on the society, which is no more voiceless.
