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Number Theory: Why Congress cannot decide what to do with AAP

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Published on: Jan 16, 2025, 09:03:10 IST
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The 2025 assembly elections in Delhi will largely be a bipolar contest between the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). This was also the case in the Last two assembly elections, in 2015 and 2020. The Congress, which ruled Delhi for 15 years between 1998 and 2013, has failed to win even one assembly constituency (AC) in Delhi since 2015. What will it take for the Congress to resurrect itself in the city state? First, it

Congress MP Rahul Gandhi (left) with Aam Aadmi Party national convener Arvind Kejriwal. (PTI File Photo)
Congress MP Rahul Gandhi (left) with Aam Aadmi Party national convener Arvind Kejriwal. (PTI File Photo)
Why Congress cannot decide what to do with AAP
  • AAP’s rise in Delhi politics has largely been at the cost of the Congress
    Vote share numbers show this clearly. While the BJP’s seat share has fallen drastically since 2015, it has held on to its core vote share of 30% or so. This is not the case for the Congress, which started haemorrhaging from 2013 and saw its vote share fall to an abysmal 4.3% in the 2020 elections. A comparison of vote shares in all Delhi assembly elections since 1993 shows the AAP has usurped most of the erstwhile vote share of the Congress. To be sure, it has also gained from some of the non-Congress, non-BJP vote share and also a chunk of votes from people who prefer the BJP in Lok Sabha elections. This is the biggest reason a large section of the Congress’s Delhi leadership is extremely bitter towards the AAP.
  • The Congress is slightly more relevant in national elections than state elections in Delhi
    Once again, vote share numbers bear this out. 2014 was the first Lok Sabha election with the AAP, BJP and Congress in the fray. While the BJP won all seven parliamentary constituencies (PCs) in the Delhi, it would go on to do so in 2019 and 2024 as well, the Congress slipped to the third place in terms of vote share behind the AAP. In 2019, the Congress actually stood second in aggregate vote share in Delhi, 4.4 percentage points ahead of the AAP’s 18.1% vote share. The BJP had a massive 56.6% vote share. It was perhaps this performance, along with the opposition trying to build some kind of an all-in unity front against the BJP, which led to an alliance between the AAP and the Congress in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. The AAP gave three out of the seven Lok Sabha seats to the Congress in the alliance. Both the AAP and the Congress saw a rise in their contested vote share compared to 2019, which suggests that there was some traction for the alliance on the ground.
  • But the Congress has decided to part ways with the AAP again in 2025
    The rupture started from the Haryana assembly elections held last year when the Congress refused to accommodate the AAP in the alliance unlike the Lok Sabha polls when the AAP was given one seat. The AAP reciprocated by deciding to contest Delhi on its own. Now the Congress is contesting all 70 ACs in Delhi, not just drawing criticism and even ridicule from the AAP but also other constituents of the INDIA block. Should the Congress have bought peace with the AAP and agreed to contest a smaller number of ACs in these elections? Its performance in the 2022 Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) elections would support this argument ; the Congress mostly won in minority-dominated wards. But doing that would require an admission on the part of the Congress that it has become a pale shadow of the political hegemon it used to be in Delhi and a willingness to trade its national footprint for being a junior partner at the state level. The Congress’s state leaders in Delhi, like in many other states, are in no mood to accept this and the party does not seem to know what to do about this. This can be the only logical explanation of the Congress’s strategy in these elections.
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Roshan Kishore

Roshan Kishore is the Data and Political Economy Editor at Hindustan Times. He heads the newsroom's data journalism team, which produces Number Theory, a daily data-driven feature for the print edition and the HT app. Number Theory uses data analysis and story-telling based on it to add value to the newsroom’s daily coverage by putting stories in a larger context on a range of issues, including politics, macroeconomy, markets, global affairs and climate. Under his leadership HT’s data journalism work has established itself as a niche product in Indian journalism and pushed the boundaries of marrying academic rigour with news sense and speed. Along with writing and editing data stories, he has also been writing a weekly political economy column called Terms of Trade for HT Premium. A trained economist with an MPhil degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kishore has also been a visiting fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania. Along with his journalistic work, his writings have also appeared in journals such as the Economic and Political Weekly and working papers for CASI and UNESCAP.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Nishant Ranjan

Nishant Ranjan has been working as a data journalist with Hindustan Times since 2023. In this short period, he has established a niche for creating original datasets and utilising them to produce journalistic work that pushes the boundaries of journalism. The list of datasets and stories done by him include the following: a dataset of all 717 chief ministers India has had since 1952, a dataset of all 3,350 members of India’s council of ministers, a dataset of all 190 deputy chief ministers in India and a dataset of all 279 Supreme Court judges in India (1950-2025). He has also profiled each elected Muslim MLA/MP since 1952. He is a mining engineer by training who decided to pursue a Master's in Development Studies from TISS after working in a coal mine for 10 months. He also worked as a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, researching local governance in India. He also has a keen interest in analyzing electoral politics and political executives in India.

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