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UP election result: Hindutva above caste, Jats side with BJP in western region
UP election result: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s emotive remark “Modi Ka Namak” at a Hardoi rally and “chai” symbolism in Varanasi also helped the party connect with the people of the state.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) banked on the Hindutva plank, focused on the construction of the Ram Temple, triggered memories of the 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots and strategically brought into its fold the non-Yadav OBC and non-Jatav Dalit voters in the seven-phase assembly elections to script history in Uttar Pradesh, as it became the first party to retain power in the state in over three decades.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s emotive remark “Modi Ka Namak” at a Hardoi rally and “chai” symbolism in Varanasi also helped the party connect with the people of the state.
In western Uttar Pradesh, a significant battleground in view of the concentration of farmers, who were widely seen as being upset with the ruling party over the now-repealed agricultural laws, the party managed to play the “Hindu card” to bring back the dominant Jat community into its fold. The influential community had backed the party in 2014, 2017, and 2019, but grew distant from it over the farm protests.
In Jatland, the BJP successfully combined the “Hindu card”, the construction of the Ram Mandir and fear of 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots during its last 10 days of campaigning before the start of the elections to thwart the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD)’s efforts to breach the party’s Jat citadel.
Not only did RLD chief Jayant Chaudhary fail to get a majority of the Jat community to back him, but farmers’ leader Rakesh Tikat, too, found it difficult to rally behind him the powerful cultivators’ lobby of the western region
In the first three phases of polls starting with the Jatland, the BJP succeeded in warding off the simmering anger among farmers over sugarcane prices and the three contentious agricultural laws.
“From the first phase till the last phase, the BJP used all its issues effectively to win Uttar Pradesh. Starting with law and order, non-Yadav OBC, non-Jatav Dalit voters, mahila (women) and beneficiaries of its schemes voted for the BJP,” Kaushlendra Singh, a political analyst of eastern Uttar Pradesh based in Bahraich said.
In Rohilkhand region, often referred to as a Muslim belt due to the formidable presence of Muslims in the region, the BJP’s strategy of the Hindutva plank and improved law and order worked to its advantage.
The BJP succeeded in bringing the non-Jatav Dalit voters under its fold in Awadh region. For mahila (women) voters, the party turned out to be the first choice due to the improved law and order.
In Purvanchal region, a host of issues helped the party retain its support among the non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits. These included free ration, Ayushman Bharat health insurance schemes, houses given to the poor under the PM housing scheme, construction of the Kashi Vishwanath Corridor in Varanasi and symbolism used by BJP’s star campaigner and top leader Prime Minister Modi.
Modi had mentioned most of these issues in his poll meetings. He had also targeted Parivarvadis (dynasts) in politics, saying they cannot do good to Uttar Pradesh. Almost at every meeting, he reminded people of the law and order situation during the SP regime (2012-2017). He also spoke about how the BJP ensured strict action against the mafia, criminals and goons after forming the government in the state in 2017.
Modi also used symbolism to seek votes. While the Prime Minister made no mention of “chaiwala” during his campaign, he drank tea at Pappu tea stall in Assi area and indulged in Banarasi Paan at a little known paan shop on March 4, the day he held a road show in Varanasi.
“PM Modi stopped at Pappu tea stall and sipped tea. He interacted with tea stall owner Pappu’s son Manoj and extended his wishes to him. His visit to the tea stall was a sort of symbolism that helped the BJP win the support of tea sellers,” Prof Kaushal Kishore Mishra, political analyst and dean faculty of social sciences at Banaras Hindu University, said.
The population of tea-sellers is roughly around one lakh in the nine districts which voted in the last phase on March 7.
“Before Modi left, the picture of him sipping tea at a tea stall in Kashi was widely circulated on social media platforms. Tea stall owners felt honoured by his visit,” Mishra said.
Modi also began most of his rally speeches in the local dialect. He also bowed before local deities as a mark of reverence during public meetings across the state.
On March 4, the Prime Minister offered prayers at Kashi Vishwanath temple. Prior to that, he visited the temple on February 27 when he addressed a booth level workers’ convention in Varanasi, Mishra said.
On December 12, Modi inaugurated the grand Kashi Vishwanath Corridor, spread over 550,000 sq ft, in Varanasi. Underlining the construction of the corridor, the BJP kept the Hindutva card alive in this election, Mishra said.
“The result is before everyone. This strong majority is testimony that OBCs, excluding some percent of Yadav, and Scheduled Castes, excluding some percent of Jatavs, have supported the BJP. They are with the BJP,” Mishra said.
