The last army standing

Mumbai: The recent departure of six MPs from the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena comes at a particularly symbolic moment. A party preparing to enter the 60th year since its foundation finds itself confronting yet another organisational setback after a tumultuous period marked by the 2022 rebellion led by Eknath Shinde, the loss of its traditional name and symbol and a continuing struggle to remain politically relevant in Maharashtra.Much of the discussion around the split focuses on why it happened. More important, however, is understanding how it became possible. The current crisis is not merely about leaders changing sides. It reflects the weakening of the idea of Sena that sustained the party for six decades and the emergence of a political order in which regional parties find it increasingly difficult to hold their ground against a dominant BJP.Revisiting the Idea of SenaFor much of its existence, Shiv Sena functioned simultaneously as a movement, a social institution and a political organisation. Founded to protect the interests of Marathi-speaking people in Mumbai and Maharashtra, it gradually evolved into one of the state’s most influential political formations. What distinguished the Sena was not merely its electoral success but the ecosystem it created around itself. Through its network of shakhas, it embedded itself in everyday life, acting as a centre for grievance redressal, local mediation, social interaction and political mobilisation. For generations of young men and women, the Sena became a vehicle for political participation, social mobility and public recognition.Its appeal rested on a combination of Marathi pride, Hindutva appeal, grassroots presence, cultural assertion and charismatic leadership of Thackeray. Most importantly, it cultivated an emotional relationship with its supporters. Loyalty to the Sena Chief, a position that has always rested with the Thackeray family, was expressed through the language of shraddha and nishtha (faith and devotion). Bal Thackeray often described Shiv Sena not as an ideology but as a “state of mind” and this idea rested on both material and emotional foundations. It offered access to patronage networks, civic problem-solving and political participation while also providing identity, belonging and a sense of purpose. This combination transformed Shiv Sena from a political organisation into a social force.The resilience of this idea was tested repeatedly through defections and rebellions. Chhagan Bhujbal’s exit in 1991 exposed tensions between the leadership and the party’s expanding social base. The departures of Narayan Rane and Raj Thackeray in 2005-06 brought questions of succession and organisational democracy to the forefront. Yet these exits never threatened the party’s survival because neither Bhujbal, Rane nor Raj sought to become the Shiv Sena. They left it. The 2022 rebellion led by Eknath Shinde was fundamentally different. For the first time in the party’s history, the conflict became a struggle over ownership of the Sena name, symbol, organisation and legacy. More importantly, it challenged the principle on which the Sena had operated for six decades-that loyalty to the Thackeray family was the ultimate source of legitimacy within the organisation. For perhaps the first time, legitimacy could be derived from sources beyond Matoshree. This was a major rupture in the idea of Sena itself.The rebellion also exposed long-standing structural weaknesses. Almost every major split revealed excessive centralisation of authority, limited internal coordination, weak mechanisms for conflict resolution, a leadership structure heavily dependent on Thackerays and constant ideological reposturing. For decades, Bal Thackeray’s charisma compensated for these limitations. Over time, however, the weaknesses of this model became increasingly visible. The Sena struggled to articulate a developmental vision beyond identity politics and electoral pragmatism, making it difficult to respond to the changing aspirations of Maharashtra’s electorate.The BJP MomentShiv Sena’s current state of flux is also rooted in a transformation of the political economy that once created and sustained it. Over the last four decades, Maharashtra has undergone significant economic and political change. Rapid urbanisation, the expansion of capital-intensive sectors and the professionalisation of electoral politics have reduced the centrality of these networks. Politics has become resource-intensive while individual politicians possess greater bargaining power and mobility than before. In this environment, access to state power often matters more than organisational loyalty. It is against this backdrop that the rise of the BJP assumes significance. For decades, Shiv Sena balanced Marathi regionalism and Hindutva, allowing it to occupy a distinct political space. The BJP’s larger appeal of Hindutva and development changed this. With superior organisational capacity, financial resources, institutional reach and ideological coherence, the BJP has increasingly become the principal vehicle for politicians seeking power and political security.The result has been a gradual transformation of the Sena itself. A party once held together by the emotional bonds has to now compete with the logic of power, resources and political survival. While internal dissatisfaction provided the immediate trigger for the 2022 rebellion, the BJP’s political weight and the changing political economy created conditions in which a challenge to the very idea of Sena became possible.What it means for MaharashtraThe significance of the latest defections extends far beyond the future of either Thackeray or Shinde. Maharashtra was once characterised by multiple centres of political power. Today, the BJP occupies a far more dominant position, while its competitors are forced to continuously renegotiate their relevance, alliances and organisational survival.The question facing the Shiv Sena (UBT) is therefore not merely on whether or not it can continue to claim its ownership over the Idea of Sena and resurrect. It is whether a regional party built on identity, loyalty and local mobilisation can reinvent itself in an era increasingly shaped by centralised political power, national narratives and the dominance of the BJP. The answer will determine not only the future of Shiv Sena (UBT) but also the future of regional politics in Maharashtra. The last army standing is still fighting. But for perhaps the first time in its history, the battle is not merely for power-it is for political relevance, organisational survival, and the very idea of what a regional party can be in contemporary India.*Dr. Sanjay Patil is a Mumbai-based researcher who works on Maharashtra Politics and Urban Informality. His doctoral work looks at the journey of Shiv Sena between 1985 and 2022.

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The last army standing

The current crisis is not merely about leaders changing sides. It reflects the weakening of the idea of Sena that sustained the party for six decades

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The last army standing

The current crisis is not merely about leaders changing sides. It reflects the weakening of the idea of Sena that sustained the party for six decades