Stalin neither alone nor isolated in language row
There is a dramatic comparison of the time and challenges faced by the DMK in the 1960s and 2020s with Stalin reinventing himself as a leader of considerable reckoning in state politics
There is a major transition in the outlook, personality and deliberations of MK Stalin as the leader of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu overshadowing the intermittent phase as the Leader of Opposition made it easy by the degeneration of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) from within. It is easy to discern the turning of pages in his life and career after his succession as leader of the DMK and later taking over the reins of state in May 2021. There is a dramatic comparison of the time and challenges faced by the DMK in the 1960s and 2020s with Stalin reinventing himself as a leader of considerable reckoning in state politics inspiring even the opposition parties in the country while the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies continue to attack Stalin and the DMK.
The Congress, then ruling the country, has now come around to join DMK in defending the principles of diversity and pluralism in Indian democracy because it perceives a greater threat to the idea and imagination of India as plural democracy since it believes that the BJP is marching aggressively with one nation, one religion and one language strategy.
The Congress today, however, possesses less resilience and political dynamism as revealed in the last few decades due to the leadership crisis and lack of ideological cohesion. The heart of the battle remains the same from the Congress era to the BJP’s reign at the Centre in terms of language politics and state rights but the defining role and momentum of politics has shifted towards a more monolithic, centralising and authoritarian power disposition with BJP in power at the Centre. Stalin has risen to the occasion in defence of the Tamil language, rights of the state and above all the dignity of state politics in the Indian Union vis-à-vis the nature and working of federalism under the BJP’s rule in India.
It is too naive to imagine that Union minister for education Dharmendra Pradhan’s provocative conditional demand that the release of education grant for Tamil Nadu is subject to the approval of National Education Policy, 2020 without the ideological push and backup from the party and government in power at the Centre.
The launching of this strategy is part of the testing the waters for Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the BJP.
Stalin and the DMK government chose to defy and declare their preparedness for another language battle. Stalin boldly announced that Tamil Nadu government believes in a two-language policy and declared a stand for what is right for the state even if this means standing alone. In the process, he exposed the narrow and back door reality of the linkages between the financial strings and approval of NEP including the three language policy. It is fair to ask how the Centre believed that Stalin and his party would reverse the two language policy for the sake of 2000 and odd crores.
MK Stalin drew sympathy and support not only from the non-Hindi speaking states but also elucidated better understanding of the language debate in the country with a passionate briefing of the threat to several languages in the country including those spoken in the northern parts of the country.
There is a major shift in the language debate in the country today with more states like Kerala, Karnataka and West Bengal raising questions over the imposition of Hindi. Stalin understands this reality and therefore believes that Tamil Nadu is neither alone nor isolated as cut out by a section of the media and marked by the BJP’s propaganda machinery.
Stalin opened another front against the BJP’s stratagem by cautiously reviving the delimitation question and the potential electoral representation setback for Tamil Nadu and other southern states besides Odisha, Punjab and northeastern states with BJP not disinclined for any debate on this subject at this stage.
Stalin has not only caught the national attention but also stirred an intense political introspection within Tamil Nadu and among the southern states with potential steps towards collective action deterring any unilateral moves by the BJP government at the Centre.
The BJP did not anticipate the response towards Stalin’s clarion call for unity among the southern states and the party leadership appears to be on a back foot over the subject of delimitation which has come to be tagged with the language debate. It is necessary to clarify that the new language war has been provoked by the fixation of the Dharmendra Pradhan and the delimitation question has been hanging over the heads of southern states like a sword for quite some time demanding a more creative and political solution.
Stalin moved from national headlines to generating political storm in the country by dropping the official rupee symbol of the government of India in the state budget and replacing it with a Tamil script.
The defiance shown by Stalin and his DMK government is neither unconstitutional nor secessionist intent as responded by the BJP media and senior ministers.
In Stalin’s own words, the budget logo and the Tamil rupee symbol in the budget presentation are simple demonstrations of the determination of the DMK party and government over its language policy and state rights in the Indian union.
The decision of the Tamil Nadu government to seek and apply resources denied by the Union education ministry from its own sources and the other projections in the budget statement reflect the deep ruptures between the state and the Centre besides the mood of resistance in the state. All these developments may raise the curtain for the assembly elections in 2026 and even beyond with the implications for future in Tamil Nadu politics.
(Prof Ramu Manivannan is a scholar-social activist in areas of education, human rights and sustainable development through an initiative “Multiversity.”)
