Twenty-six years ago, Israeli-built Searcher Mark I and II drones were introduced by the Indian Army in the Kargil war theatre for reconnaissance, while the US had tested the armed version of the MQ-1 Predator drone in the erstwhile Yugoslavia in 1995. India will be acquiring the first of 31 Predator MQ-9B drones from the US in 2028, even as its principal adversary, China, has already developed the Wing Loong II armed drone and supplied it to its tributary state, Pakistan.
Operation Sindoor, however, has shown that unmanned combat air systems (UCAVs) have limited capabilities in highly contested airspace, and the era of long-range missiles and air defence systems has dawned in the Indian subcontinent. The era of tanks leading battles with infantry troops is long over, with stand-off weapons becoming the principal platforms for engaging the enemy.
It is quite evident that the Indian Army’s role has metamorphosed into defending territory from air-, land-, and sea-launched weapons. The Air Force is the spearhead for launching counterattacks against the enemy, and the Navy’s role is to strike deep into enemy territory with its heavy-calibre missiles and weaponry. The Indian Army plays a definitive role when the war objective is to occupy enemy territory and hold it against counterattacks post-occupation.
After the Air Force and Army pulverized Pakistan’s air bases and air defences, it is clear that Islamabad will push for greater conventional and nuclear deterrence against India, with support from China, Turkey, and other Islamic states under the banner of the Ummah. China, in turn, will continue using Pakistan as a convenient proxy to challenge India, arming it with new Yuan-class submarines, long-range missiles, and fighter jets.
{{/usCountry}}After the Air Force and Army pulverized Pakistan’s air bases and air defences, it is clear that Islamabad will push for greater conventional and nuclear deterrence against India, with support from China, Turkey, and other Islamic states under the banner of the Ummah. China, in turn, will continue using Pakistan as a convenient proxy to challenge India, arming it with new Yuan-class submarines, long-range missiles, and fighter jets.
{{/usCountry}}Given that the US continues to supply weapons to Pakistan, just as Russia does to China, India has no option but to pursue Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Aatmanirbharta’ (self-reliance) initiative to catch up in military-tech advancements. Geopolitics will always remain volatile, and the need of the hour is a proven and trusted supply chain.
While the DRDO and Indian public sector undertakings (PSUs) have contributed to military-tech development and production, Operation Sindoor presents an opportunity for the Indian private sector to step forward and establish its own R&D units for advanced military systems, with the potential for dual-use technologies. The DRDO and defence PSUs must act as enablers, not obstacles, to private sector initiatives.
The hard truth is that India is surrounded by hostile neighbours and extremist ideologies, and must therefore remain battle-ready at all times. In this context, the Indian armed forces cannot afford to wait indefinitely for the public sector to conceptualize, test, demonstrate, and induct hardware technologies. Cases in point include beyond visual range missiles for Prachand helicopters, shoulder-fired and air-launched anti-tank guided missiles, aircraft engines, long-range surface-to-air missiles, and more. This underscores that the Indian public sector cannot build everything on its own without sharing space with the private sector. The armed forces cannot wait forever for the public sector to deliver, especially given the persistent threat of terror strikes from Pakistan-based groups.
While the Indian public may be appeased by models of advanced multi-role combat aircraft or a fifth-generation fighter, it is well understood that these projects will only come to fruition when independent India turns 100. In the interim, the Indian armed forces require state-of-the-art technologies such as long-range SAMs, counter-drone systems, and hypersonic missiles—especially since China cannot be trusted on the LAC, just as its lackey Pakistan cannot be trusted on the LoC.
Rather than rely on Russia or the West for military hardware technologies, the Modi government must demand delivery and accountability from the Indian public sector, just as the public sectors deliver in Israel, France, and other European powers. The US government also supported its defence majors in the 1960s by funding R&D and purchasing their products. For India to emulate this, the socialist mindset of civilian-military bureaucrats in the defence ministry must change.