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Losing the art of leisure

Greece must learn from the Victorian era that a six-day week won't solve anything. Edward Skidelsky and Robert Skidelsky write.

Updated on: Sep 09, 2012 09:29 PM IST
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Did you think that it was only in Victorian England that debtors were forced into the workhouse? Think again. Recently a leaked letter revealed that Greece's eurozone creditors are demanding a six-day week as a condition of the latest bailout. Of all the far-out ideas for solving the Greek crisis, this one surely takes the biscuit. First, it is completely unenforceable. Second, those Greeks in full-time employment already work the longest hours in the European Union (EU). And yet, as preposterous as the demand may sound, it needs to be taken seriously - not least as a symptom of a growing belief that Europeans have to work longer and harder to recover prosperity.

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HT Image

The reduction of the working week was one of the great achievements of 20th century social democracy. A labourer in mid-Victorian Britain could expect to work 60 hours a week - 10 hours a day, six days a week. Sundays alone were left free for chapel or gin. The early trade union movement campaigned against this regime with the slogan 'Eight hours labour, eight hours recreation, eight hours rest'. Its efforts bore fruit. By 1930, weekly hours in Britain had sunk to 47; by 1980, they were down to 40. Sociologists talked of the coming 'end of work' and wondered how the vacant hours would be occupied.

Then, some time around 1980, working hours in most Western nations stopped falling. In Britain and the US, they actually started rising again, especially among the rich. This new trend coincided, not accidentally, with the deregulation of markets, the smashing of union power and the growth of income inequality. The free-market right looks favourably upon the revival of work.

Neither argument is convincing. The first ignores the fact that prosperity is connected to productivity, not hours of work. The Germans have the most successful economy in Europe despite working shorter hours than the hapless Greeks. The second argument is a counsel of despair. It pictures us as so incapable of making creative use of our time that we need others to organise it for us. Insofar as this is true, it is an indictment of our civilisation.

We have lost the arts of leisure, and so face a stark choice of work or dissipation. In 1929 the economist John Maynard Keynes looked forward to a world without work, in which "we shall once more value ends above means and prefer the good to the useful". Yet all we can offer our children is insecurity and hard graft. Keynes found his social ideal in the writings of poets and philosophers. How ironic that already wealthy Western societies find theirs in the sweatshops of China and the workhouses of Victorian England.

 
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