The Hathras episode has the potential to deeply impact Dalit politics. This is reflected not just in what appears to be a spontaneous upsurge against the Uttar Pradesh government for its handling of the case by Opposition parties, Dalit formations and civil society groups. It is also reflected in the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)‘s efforts to send the right signals, albeit belatedly, by promising action and intensifying its outreach among Dalit communities. No political party in India which has expansive electoral ambitions can be seen as anti-Dalit and recent moves to either allay the apprehensions of the community (in the case of the BJP) or get them to agitate (in the case of the Opposition) are intended to win over their support.
Dalit politics in India has always had multiple strands. There is the more militant tradition which sees caste conflict as a fundamental reality of society — and seeks to overthrow the upper-caste order, including through violence. This strand, never very strong, has got even weaker in recent decades. The second is represented by the more mainstream Dalit political party formations — which includes Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party in UP or Ram Vilas Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party, among others. The third is the strand represented by mainstream political formations such as the Congress or regional parties which have enjoyed Dalit support. The BJP is the most prominent recent example of this strand, where a significant number of Dalit sub-castes has veered towards the party in recent years.
While it is too early to come to any conclusions, Hathras is becoming a key symbol of the atrocities against Dalits. In terms of discourse, it has the potential to evoke the same emotional sentiment as Rohith Vemula’s suicide or the Una flogging. This should worry the BJP. But it is not yet clear whether this sharpening of the discourse will have electoral implications. Hathras, for instance, is a reserved assembly constituency which has voted for the BJP in all but one election since 1991 (a regional party won in 2009). In a reserved constituency, of course, the electoral power of non-Dalit groups is crucial. But the point is that there isn’t always a neat link between the discourse on Dalit issues and the voting patterns of Dalit communities, which are to do with a complex set of local, regional and national factors. How Hathras will change the discourse and political choices will be a key factor in the future of Dalit politics.
{{/usCountry}}While it is too early to come to any conclusions, Hathras is becoming a key symbol of the atrocities against Dalits. In terms of discourse, it has the potential to evoke the same emotional sentiment as Rohith Vemula’s suicide or the Una flogging. This should worry the BJP. But it is not yet clear whether this sharpening of the discourse will have electoral implications. Hathras, for instance, is a reserved assembly constituency which has voted for the BJP in all but one election since 1991 (a regional party won in 2009). In a reserved constituency, of course, the electoral power of non-Dalit groups is crucial. But the point is that there isn’t always a neat link between the discourse on Dalit issues and the voting patterns of Dalit communities, which are to do with a complex set of local, regional and national factors. How Hathras will change the discourse and political choices will be a key factor in the future of Dalit politics.
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