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Can Congress pull off a delicate balancing act in Assam? Part 2 | Number Theory

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Updated on: Sep 25, 2025, 08:33:44 IST
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The first part of this series discussed how Assam is India’s most troubled state when it comes to demographics. The second part of the series will look at how the BJP has come to dominate Assam’s politics, which until 2016 was firmly under the Congress’s control and what it will take for the Congress to reclaim Assam.

Assam Congress chief Gaurav Gogoi (centre). (PTI)
Assam Congress chief Gaurav Gogoi (centre). (PTI)
Can Congress pull off a delicate balancing act in Assam?
  • The fall, rise and fall of the Congress in Assam
    Like in other Indian states, the Congress also came to power in Assam at the time of independence. Assam was among the most troubled states even at the time of independence, not just on account of communal troubles but also tensions from neighbours in India’s near east. It also had a traumatic experience during the 1962 war against China. These disruptions however did not dislodge the Congress from power in the state until 1978. Things only became worse for the Congress in the 1980s when it faced a defeat from a bunch of student activists leading the Assam agitation. The Congress, under the leadership of former chief minister Tarun Gogoi slowly recovered its ground in the state and formed three back-to-back governments from 2001 onwards before losing power to the BJP in 2016. Since then, it has been a downward slope and the Congress’s latest assembly election performance was among its worst in the state.
  • The BJP’s rise has been at the cost of the Congress and the weakening of the AGP
    One of the most remarkable features of Tarun Gogoi’s emphatic victory – the Congress won 78 out of the 126 ACs – in 2011, was the complete division of the anti-Congress Hindu vote in Assam. The All-India United Democratic Front (AIUDF), primarily a party of Bengali Muslims in Assam , was the second largest party in the state with 18 MLAs and a 12.6% vote share. The Asam Gana Parishad (AGP) and BJP had just 15 MLAs between them despite a combined vote share of 27.8%. The AIUDF increased its vote share in the 2016 elections. The Congress saw its seat share fall drastically with an eight-percentage point loss of vote share and a significant rise in the degree of opposition unity in the state: the BJP, AGP and the Bodoland People’s Front fought together in 2016. The 2016 assembly elections also saw the AGP becoming a junior partner of the BJP for the first time. It should not be surprising that Assam’s current chief minister was a minister in the Tarun Gogoi government.
  • Congress made a large dent in the AIDUF’s support base in the 2024 elections
    The AIUDF first weakened its assertion in Assam by allying with the Congress in the 2021 assembly elections. The alliance helped neither the Congress nor the AIUDF. In 2024 the Congress parted ways with the AIUDF and decimated it in the Lok Sabha elections. AIUDF’s vote share fell to an all-time low in this election. However, the Congress’s growing influence into the AIUDF (primarily Bengali Muslim) base also meant that it is appearing to be a more Muslim party in Assam. This can be seen from the fact that while the share of Muslim MLAs in Assam has remained similar since 2011, this number has increased significantly for the Congress.
  • Conclusion...
    The Assam BJP’s attempts to dial up the communal rhetoric is nothing but an attempt to nudge the Congress into reacting to it so that the BJP can label the Congress primarily as a party drawing on Muslim support. While the strategy can be described as morally reprehensible, it is not entirely counter-intuitive in a state with deep communal fault lines. What the Congress needs to do in order to win back Assam is to manage a reconciliation between its new found Muslim support and the Assamese Hindu support it lost in the last decade. This will take more than plain vanilla assertions of secularism and communalism.
 
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Roshan Kishore

Roshan Kishore is the Data and Political Economy Editor at Hindustan Times. He heads the newsroom's data journalism team, which produces Number Theory, a daily data-driven feature for the print edition and the HT app. Number Theory uses data analysis and story-telling based on it to add value to the newsroom’s daily coverage by putting stories in a larger context on a range of issues, including politics, macroeconomy, markets, global affairs and climate. Under his leadership HT’s data journalism work has established itself as a niche product in Indian journalism and pushed the boundaries of marrying academic rigour with news sense and speed. Along with writing and editing data stories, he has also been writing a weekly political economy column called Terms of Trade for HT Premium. A trained economist with an MPhil degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kishore has also been a visiting fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania. Along with his journalistic work, his writings have also appeared in journals such as the Economic and Political Weekly and working papers for CASI and UNESCAP.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Nishant Ranjan

Nishant Ranjan has been working as a data journalist with Hindustan Times since 2023. In this short period, he has established a niche for creating original datasets and utilising them to produce journalistic work that pushes the boundaries of journalism. The list of datasets and stories done by him include the following: a dataset of all 717 chief ministers India has had since 1952, a dataset of all 3,350 members of India’s council of ministers, a dataset of all 190 deputy chief ministers in India and a dataset of all 279 Supreme Court judges in India (1950-2025). He has also profiled each elected Muslim MLA/MP since 1952. He is a mining engineer by training who decided to pursue a Master's in Development Studies from TISS after working in a coal mine for 10 months. He also worked as a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, researching local governance in India. He also has a keen interest in analyzing electoral politics and political executives in India.

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