Nitish brews winning formula

Sanjay Kumar (36) used to manage a cycle stand before joining his current job as mayor of Patna. Kumar belongs to the Kahar caste, which is less than half a per cent of Bihar’s population. He is one among the thousands from 108 extremely backwards castes (EBCs) catapulted to the orbit of political power by a 20 per cent reservation for them in local bodies introduced by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar.

Sanjay Kumar (36) used to manage a cycle stand before joining his current job as mayor of Patna. Kumar belongs to the Kahar caste, which is less than half a per cent of Bihar’s population. He is one among the thousands from 108 extremely backwards castes (EBCs) catapulted to the orbit of political power by a 20 per cent reservation for them in local bodies introduced by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar.

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A social combination of the newly empowered sections of backward castes, Dalits and Muslims is the anchor that Nitish is trying create for his political experiment and with visible success. “Nitish is doing to Bihar politics what Capt Gopinath has done to civil aviation — enrolling large numbers from hitherto excluded sections into the political process,” says Dr Shaibal Gupta, social scientist.

“My government’s measures are bringing into mainstream those who have been left out so far,” says Nitish.

Reservation in local bodies firmed up an identity of EBCs while lower sections of Dalits — particularly the Musahars — are benefiting from targeted welfare schemes such as healthcare, education and housing. Pasmanda Muslims have benefited from reservation in local bodies and educational scholarships.

A generous rehabilitation package that the Nitish government has implemented for the victims of the 1989 Bhagalpur riots also has become a talking point.

“Almost all victims of the riots were lower caste Muslims. The government has started a monthly pension of Rs 2,500 for affected families, an unprecedented step in India’s history of rehabilitation,” says Ali Anwar, a JD(U) member of Rajya Sabha and leader of Pasmanda Muslim Mahaj, a forum of backward Muslims.

The EBCs drifted away from Lalu Prasad in 2005 and voted alongside the upper castes to bring Nitish to power in the state. Now, the upper castes are unnerved by the EBC empowerment.

“Panchayat mukhiyas have been given the power to issue marriage certificates. Many mukhiyas from lower castes take place of pride in marriages at upper caste homes,” points out Siwanand Tiwari, JD(U) spokesperson.

Lalu and Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan, who are jointly fighting the current election, are reacting to the realignment of caste with a two-pronged strategy. One, they accuse Nitish of dividing the Dalits, backwards and Muslims. Two, they are playing on the latent fears of the upper castes.

“I have never acted against the interests of the upper castes ever,” repeats Lalu at campaign meetings. “Nitish is dividing the society and trying to create artificial identities. He will not succeed,” says Paswan.