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A database of India’s Muslim MLAs and MPs - Part 1 | Number Theory

This is the 1st of a 2-part series based on an HT database of all-Muslim MPs and MLAs. The 2nd part will look at party-wise changes in representation of Muslims

Updated on: Jun 18, 2026, 07:50:45 IST
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Muslims comprised 14.2% of India’s population in 2011, according to the latest published census data. In absolute terms, India likely has the third largest population of Muslims in the world. How are Muslims represented in Indian politics? What has happened to this share over time?

AIMIM president and Lok Sabha MP Asaduddin Owaisi addresses an event at Makkah Masjid in Hyderabad. (ANI)
AIMIM president and Lok Sabha MP Asaduddin Owaisi addresses an event at Makkah Masjid in Hyderabad. (ANI)

The first author of this story has prepared a database of all Muslim MLAs and MPs from 1952 onwards to answer this question. This is the sixth original all-India database prepared by HT ; the other databases are on the council of ministers, chief ministers, deputy chief ministers, Supreme Court judges, and governors.

This two-part data journalism series will use this database to analyse the representation of Muslims in Indian parliament and assemblies. The first part will look at these trends over time and across geographies. The second part will look at Muslim representation from the perspective of political parties.

A database of India’s Muslim MLAs and MPs - Part 1
  • Listicle image
    Muslim representation has varied, but their underrepresentation has been permanent
    Muslims have a share of 5.7% and 6.7% in the 9533 Lok Sabha MPs and 64009 MLAs elected in India since 1952. Both these numbers are significantly lower than their population share in India which has increased from 9.8% to 14.2% between the 1951 and 2011 census. Share of Muslim MPs reached a peak in 1980 elections when it was 9.3%. It fell to an all-time low of 4.2% in 2014, the first election in which the BJP achieved a parliamentary majority of its own. It has recovered marginally from that trough in the subsequent elections. The share of Muslim MLAs shows lower volatility than MPs and reached its decadal peak in the 2000s when it was 7.3%. While the period from 2021 until now shows the share to be the highest, the number will likely come down when more states go to poll in what remains of the decade as the high Muslim share states have already had two elections.
  • Listicle image
    More than half of India’s Muslim MPs and MLAs have come from just three and four states
    India has had 539 Muslim Lok Sabha MPs and 4,288 Muslim MLAs so far. 52% of India’s all Muslim MPs have come from just three states: Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Bihar. Among Muslim MLAs, 57% come from West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir and Kerala. These numbers need to be read with the fact that state-wise MP numbers have not factored in division of states but MLA numbers have. This is because parliamentary constituencies cannot be neatly separated for pre- and post-division states.
  • Listicle image
    What explains the regional skew in Muslim representation?
    The real cause of skewed Muslim representation lies in demography within states. Just three 2011 Census districts—Murshidabad in West Bengal, Malappuram in Kerala and Dhubri in Assam—have contributed 10.7% of India’s total Muslim MLAs. These districts had a share of 5.3% in the country’s total Muslim population in 2011. 67.5% of India’s all Muslim MLAs have come from just 75 districts which have a share of 45.5% in the total Muslim population of the country. At the other extreme, India’s 565 districts, where 55% of Muslims live, have a share of just 32.5% among all Muslim MLAs. 308 districts, which have 11% of India’s Muslim population have not had even one Muslim MLA since independence. One cannot replicate this analysis for Muslims MPs because, unlike assembly constituencies, parliamentary constituencies need not be confined to a district boundary and therefore cannot be mapped to Muslim population.
  • Conclusion
    The crux of the analysis is that Muslims are underrepresented in Indian parliament and assemblies and largely get elected from areas where they are numerically dominant. Geography aside, what have been the political drivers of Muslim representation in India’s state assemblies and Lok Sabha? The second part of this series will look at this question in detail.
  • Nishant Ranjan
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Nishant Ranjan

    Nishant Ranjan has been working as a data journalist with Hindustan Times since 2023. In this short period, he has established a niche for creating original datasets and utilising them to produce journalistic work that pushes the boundaries of journalism. The list of datasets and stories done by him include the following: a dataset of all 717 chief ministers India has had since 1952, a dataset of all 3,350 members of India’s council of ministers, a dataset of all 190 deputy chief ministers in India and a dataset of all 279 Supreme Court judges in India (1950-2025). He has also profiled each elected Muslim MLA/MP since 1952. He is a mining engineer by training who decided to pursue a Master's in Development Studies from TISS after working in a coal mine for 10 months. He also worked as a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, researching local governance in India. He also has a keen interest in analyzing electoral politics and political executives in India.Read More

  • Roshan Kishore
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Roshan Kishore

    Roshan Kishore is the Data and Political Economy Editor at Hindustan Times. He heads the newsroom's data journalism team, which produces Number Theory, a daily data-driven feature for the print edition and the HT app. Number Theory uses data analysis and story-telling based on it to add value to the newsroom’s daily coverage by putting stories in a larger context on a range of issues, including politics, macroeconomy, markets, global affairs and climate. Under his leadership HT’s data journalism work has established itself as a niche product in Indian journalism and pushed the boundaries of marrying academic rigour with news sense and speed. Along with writing and editing data stories, he has also been writing a weekly political economy column called Terms of Trade for HT Premium. A trained economist with an MPhil degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kishore has also been a visiting fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania. Along with his journalistic work, his writings have also appeared in journals such as the Economic and Political Weekly and working papers for CASI and UNESCAP.Read More

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