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Number Theory: Can Congress stage a comeback in Haryana?

The BJP’s vote share in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in Haryana was a massive 58%, the second highest in the history of the state.

Updated on: May 24, 2024, 09:08:01 IST
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The Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) won all 10 parliamentary constituencies (PCs) in Haryana in 2019. Can it replicate this victory in 2024? Can the Congress make a comeback in the state? Here are four charts which try and answer this question.

For representational purposes only. (HT File Photo)
For representational purposes only. (HT File Photo)
Can Congress stage a comeback in Haryana?
  • Listicle image
    2019 was not the worst election for the Congress in Haryana
    This is the most important aspect to keep in mind while discussing the Congress’s prospects in the 2024 elections. The Congress could not win even one PC in Haryana in 2019 despite managing a vote share of 28.4% in the state. However, an analysis of past results in the state shows that the 2019 polls were not the worst elections for the party in Haryana in terms of vote share or seat share. The Congress failed to win any Lok Sabha seat in Haryana in the 1977 and 1999 elections as well. Its lowest vote share in the state came in the 1977 Lok Sabha elections -- just 18%. Even in the 1996 and 1998 elections, the Congress’s vote share was lower than what it managed to get in 2019. The Congress recovered from these upsets to win nine of the 10 Lok Sabha seats in the state in the 2004 and 2009 elections. The question is, can the Congress make a similar recovery from its 2014 and 2019 debacle?
  • Listicle image
    But the BJP’s scale of victory was massive in 2019
    The BJP’s vote share in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in Haryana was a massive 58%. This is the second highest vote share in the history of the state, except the 70.3% vote share of the Janata Party (Officially Bhartiya Lok Dal) in the 1977 elections. Even the Congress’s clean sweep in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination came with a vote share of just 55%. What is even more remarkable is the fact that the BJP made a huge gain in its vote share between the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections. The biggest question facing the BJP is whether its 2019 vote share in Haryana was symptomatic of the Narendra Modi wave across the country or an organic reflection of an expansion in the BJP’s support base.
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    The 2019 assembly election results underlined the BJP’s vulnerabilities
    The BJP increased its vote share by 3.3 percentage points between the 2014 and 2019 assembly elections in Haryana. But its assembly tally fell from 47 to 40 in an assembly of 90 MLAs. The Congress increased its tally from 15 to 31 by increasing tis vote share from 20.6% to 28.1% in the state. While the Congress was still eight percentage points behind the BJP in terms of vote share in the 2019 assembly elections, it managed to achieve some sort of a consolidation of anti-BJP votes in the state. Recent developments such as the breakdown of the alliance between the BJP and the Jannayak Janata Party (JJP) and three independent MLAs withdrawing support from the BJP government in the state could generate further tail winds for this process -- unless the BJP sees a jump in its Lok Sabha vote share over and above what it managed in the last assembly elections.
  • Listicle image
    This is why regional and social dynamics will matter a lot in 2024
    The Trivedi Centre for Political Data at Ashoka University classifies Haryana into six broad regions: Ahirwal, Jat Land, Jat Sikh Land, Ambala, Mewat, and the National Capital Region (NCR). HT has combined these categories to form three subregions: North Haryana, South Haryana, and Jat Land. The North Haryana subregion has four PCs -- Ambala, Kurukshetra, Hisar and Sirsa. South Haryana and Jat Land have three PCs each with Bhiwani-Mahendragarh, Faridabad and Gurgaon in the former and Karnal, Rohtak and Sonipat in the latter. While the Congress lagged behind the BJP in each of these regions in the 2019 Lok Sabha and assembly elections, the gap was much smaller in the Jat Land subregion than in the other two. When read with the social demography data from the 2019-21 National Family and Health Survey, it suggests that the Congress’s success, or lack of it, in these elections will depend on its ability to bring non-Jat voters to its fold.
  • Nishant Ranjan
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Nishant Ranjan

    Nishant Ranjan has been working as a data journalist with Hindustan Times since 2023. In this short period, he has established a niche for creating original datasets and utilising them to produce journalistic work that pushes the boundaries of journalism. The list of datasets and stories done by him include the following: a dataset of all 717 chief ministers India has had since 1952, a dataset of all 3,350 members of India’s council of ministers, a dataset of all 190 deputy chief ministers in India and a dataset of all 279 Supreme Court judges in India (1950-2025). He has also profiled each elected Muslim MLA/MP since 1952. He is a mining engineer by training who decided to pursue a Master's in Development Studies from TISS after working in a coal mine for 10 months. He also worked as a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, researching local governance in India. He also has a keen interest in analyzing electoral politics and political executives in India.Read More

  • Roshan Kishore
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Roshan Kishore

    Roshan Kishore is the Data and Political Economy Editor at Hindustan Times. He heads the newsroom's data journalism team, which produces Number Theory, a daily data-driven feature for the print edition and the HT app. Number Theory uses data analysis and story-telling based on it to add value to the newsroom’s daily coverage by putting stories in a larger context on a range of issues, including politics, macroeconomy, markets, global affairs and climate. Under his leadership HT’s data journalism work has established itself as a niche product in Indian journalism and pushed the boundaries of marrying academic rigour with news sense and speed. Along with writing and editing data stories, he has also been writing a weekly political economy column called Terms of Trade for HT Premium. A trained economist with an MPhil degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kishore has also been a visiting fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania. Along with his journalistic work, his writings have also appeared in journals such as the Economic and Political Weekly and working papers for CASI and UNESCAP.Read More