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Number Theory: SAD and its importance in Punjab's poll contest

The SAD fought the 2022 assembly elections on its own after walking out of the National Democratic Alliance on the issues of three contentious farm laws.

Published on: May 28, 2024, 07:47:33 IST
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It would not be an exaggeration to say that Punjab has seen the biggest political churn among large Indian states in the last decade. In 2014, a traditionally bipolar Punjab polity made way for a three-cornered outcome with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) winning four parliamentary constituencies (PCs) from the state. Between 2014 and 2019, the AAP saw its footprint shrinking and the Congress became dominant in the state. However, things changed drastically in 2022 when the AAP won a landslide victory in the state elections with the Congress finishing a distant second. An even bigger outcome of the 2022 contest was the almost-complete decimation of the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD). But with 2024 being a four-cornered contest between the AAP, Congress, the SAD and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Akali Dal support base could very well be the 'X factor in the contest. Here are three charts which explain this in detail.

Shiromani Akali Dal president Sukhbir Singh Badal.
Shiromani Akali Dal president Sukhbir Singh Badal.
SAD and its importance in Punjab's poll contest
  • Listicle image
    SAD’s 2022 performance was the worst in its history
    The SAD fought the 2022 assembly elections on its own after walking out of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) on the issues of the three farm laws which were introduced in 2020 and repealed in late 2021. The SAD and the BJP had been in an alliance in every elections in the state since 1998. The SAD managed to win just three assembly constituencies (ACs) in 2022 and saw its vote share falling to just 18.4%. Its contested vote share fell to 21.9%. On both these metrics, the SAD’s performance in the state was the worst in Punjab in every Lok Sabha and assembly election since 1969, except in 1992. The Akalis had contested only part of the assembly elections in 1992 and boycotted the polls in large parts of the state.
  • Listicle image
    Both the BJP and the SAD suffered losses across the state in 2022
    The end of a 23-year-old alliance between the BJP and the SAD did not help either party. A simple comparison of 2017 and 2022 election results shows this clearly. Out of the 117 ACs in the state, the SAD and the BJP fought 84 and 23 ACs in both the 2017 and 2022 assembly elections. The SAD saw its vote share coming down in 2022 in 78 out of the 84 ACs that it contested in both these elections. For the BJP the number was 19 out of the 23 ACs that it contested in both 2017 and 2022.
  • Listicle image
    To be sure, the AAP made a bigger dent in the Congress vote bank in the 2022 elections
    A simple comparison of 2017 and 2022 party-wise vote shares make this clear. The AAP’s vote share increased from 23.7% to 42% between the 2017 and 2022 assembly elections. While the combined vote share of SAD-BJP went down from 30.6% to about 27% – to be sure, the BJP contested alone and SAD had an alliance with Bahujan Samaj Party – the Congress saw its vote share falling from 38.5% to 23%. This shows that the AAP’s victory was a result of a bipartisan political shift from the ranks of both the Congress and BJP-SAD in the state.
  • Will 2024 be about national or local anti-incumbency in Punjab?
    The AAP and the Congress are fighting elections as adversaries in Punjab but are contesting against the BJP as allies in Delhi and Haryana. The BJP is trying to exploit this fact and hoping to establish itself as a credible political force in the state. It is entirely possible that the Congress and the AAP are contesting against each other to make the most of what seemed like an overwhelming anti-BJP sentiment in the 2022 Punjab elections. Between an anti-BJP friendly contest and the BJP trying to break new ground in the state, the SAD will face a tough battle to preserve its vote share and political salience in the 2024 elections. In these circumstances, even a fraction of the SAD’s support base gravitating towards the three parties, especially the AAP and Congress, could have a big impact on the electoral outcome in Punjab.
  • Nishant Ranjan
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Nishant Ranjan

    Nishant Ranjan has been working as a data journalist with Hindustan Times since 2023. In this short period, he has established a niche for creating original datasets and utilising them to produce journalistic work that pushes the boundaries of journalism. The list of datasets and stories done by him include the following: a dataset of all 717 chief ministers India has had since 1952, a dataset of all 3,350 members of India’s council of ministers, a dataset of all 190 deputy chief ministers in India and a dataset of all 279 Supreme Court judges in India (1950-2025). He has also profiled each elected Muslim MLA/MP since 1952. He is a mining engineer by training who decided to pursue a Master's in Development Studies from TISS after working in a coal mine for 10 months. He also worked as a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, researching local governance in India. He also has a keen interest in analyzing electoral politics and political executives in India.Read More

  • Roshan Kishore
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Roshan Kishore

    Roshan Kishore is the Data and Political Economy Editor at Hindustan Times. He heads the newsroom's data journalism team, which produces Number Theory, a daily data-driven feature for the print edition and the HT app. Number Theory uses data analysis and story-telling based on it to add value to the newsroom’s daily coverage by putting stories in a larger context on a range of issues, including politics, macroeconomy, markets, global affairs and climate. Under his leadership HT’s data journalism work has established itself as a niche product in Indian journalism and pushed the boundaries of marrying academic rigour with news sense and speed. Along with writing and editing data stories, he has also been writing a weekly political economy column called Terms of Trade for HT Premium. A trained economist with an MPhil degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kishore has also been a visiting fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania. Along with his journalistic work, his writings have also appeared in journals such as the Economic and Political Weekly and working papers for CASI and UNESCAP.Read More