MVA government completes a year: More challenges ahead for Shiv Sena-Congress-NCP in Maharashtra

One year later, Uddhav Thackeray has shown that he has the acumen to handle a complex coalition of three parties, even though the uncertainty still exists.

“I have the remote control of the government in my hand…The moment I think the chief minister is not working for the people, I will eject it..” This was a favourite line of Shiv Sena founder Balasaheb Thackeray during the tenure of the first Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Maharashtra in 1995-99. He never took up a position of power, even though his party ruled the Mumbai civic body for years, ruled Maharashtra between 1995 and 1999 and was part of the successive NDA governments at the Centre headed by the late AB Vajpayee.

One year later, Uddhav Thackeray has shown that he has the acumen to handle a complex coalition of three parties, even though the uncertainty still exists. (HT FILE)

The senior Thackeray preferred having power in hand without him being held accountable for the performance of the government. His followers and supporters would see him as a leader above power politics, often saying: “Balasaheb wouldn’t need to do any compromise for power.”

His son, Uddhav, however, chose a different path. He decided to head a government propped by two parties that were not just traditional rivals of the Sena, but had exactly opposite ideology. He wanted to come out of the shadow of his father. More importantly, he had to prove a point. Forming the government with the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and Congress under the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) was his revenge on the BJP, which was aiming to finish the Sena in Maharashtra.

A year ago, on November 28, he was sworn-in amid an atmosphere of uncertainty – whether his government would last or collapse due to its internal contradictions. One year later, Uddhav Thackeray has shown that he has the acumen to handle a complex coalition of three parties, even though the uncertainty still exists. He has been appreciated for his handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, although he has not yet shown his administrative skills. One year could be a short period to draw a conclusion on his performance, but he has not disappointed his supporters and allies.

“Thackeray has not yet got an opportunity to show the performance of his government, as most of his time and energy has gone into fighting the Covid pandemic. Coupled with revenue loss, the functioning of the government is badly affected. The Centre too has not extended a helping hand, as expected by the government,” opined Pratap Asbe, political analyst.

Survival, an achievement

Thackeray’s major achievement in one year is that his government survived. While non-BJP governments in neighbouring Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh have collapsed, the one in Rajasthan was on the verge of collapsing, the MVA government in Maharashtra remained intact. It is partly because all three parties were forced to stick together due to the fear of common enemy (the BJP), partly because the MVA’s architect NCP chief Sharad Pawar is firmly behind Thackeray and partly because Thackeray has managed to do the balancing act.

Pawar, who suffered setback as Devendra Fadnavis tried to cut him to size during the latter’s tenure as chief minister, needs his party to be in power in Maharashtra as much as Thackeray. The mutual need has led to a good understanding between the two leaders. Pawar has been guiding Thackeray in the matters of governance. Both the leaders are on the same page when it comes to their political strategies. Thackeray has acknowledged Pawar’s big brother role though he doesn’t follow the latter’s advice every time. He has also kept the people who matter in Congress happy.

He kept his cool even as friend-turned-foe BJP threw up one challenge after another to corner him. He also tried maintaining relations with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah even as he battled it out with Devendra Fadnavis-led BJP in the state.

“Thackeray has played a gamble and it is in his interest that this government survives. He has been taking care not to upset the allies though he also tries to keep his original agenda intact,” said a senior Congress minister, who did not want to be named.

Even as he runs a government with parties that believe in secularism, Thackeray has not given up on the Hindutva plank. However, he keeps insisting that his Hindutva is different than the BJP’s Hindu hardline politics, but also adds that the MVA government would be run on a common minimum programme agreed upon by the three allies.

Hurdles galore

As the Covid-19 epidemic became his priority, his one-year rule was made difficult by an offensive BJP and not so-friendly Central government. Whether it was the handling of the pandemic or Palghar mob lynching case or Sushant Singh Rajput suicide case, the BJP has not left any stone unturned to politically corner Thackeray and his government. Just when the state was planning a thorough investigation in the Bhima-Koregaon violence, the Centre took over the case through the National Investigation Agency (NIA). Governor BS Koshyari’s refusal to accept the government’s requests—whether to nominate Thackeray to the Council or endorse the decision to cancel final-year examination of universities due to the pandemic or nominate 12 candidates to the legislative Council— has not made things easy for Thackeray. MVA leaders keep pointing out how the Centre has not been responding to state’s request for adequately compensating the state for revenue loss due to Covid-19 or giving funds to provide compensation to farmers hit by natural calamities. After initial reluctance, Thackeray has started taking on the BJP and its supporters. The state’s decision to reopen the suicide of interior designer Anvay Naik who had blamed TV anchor Arnab Goswami or Sena-ruled Mumbai civic body’s action against illegal structures by actor Kangana Ranaut clearly indicated that. The MVA has also begun investigation into fake social media handles (80,000, according to Mumbai police) that were apparently being used to target the government and Thackerays. “Thackeray doesn’t lose his cool, but can take a stern stand if he needs. In case of lockdown, too, he lifted the restrictions when he thought the timing was right,” said Hemant Desai, political analyst.

Lacking administrative skills?

Before becoming the chief minister, Thackeray had never occupied any public office in his life. Covid-19 outbreak was his first big test. “He has handled the government’s effort to tackle Covid-19 epidemic in a transparent way, chosen to communicate directly with the people, often being frank and seeking their cooperation. His approach was appreciated even though there were different opinions on how much the state government succeeded in containing the pandemic,” said Desai.

“The MVA government’s handling of the situation was better than several states. Thackeray takes advice from a taskforce of experts and remains firm on his plan. Besides him, health minister Rajesh Tope has taken a lot of efforts to handle the situation,” said Asbe. However, Thackeray’s colleagues in the government are not completely impressed with his style of functioning. In his first year in office, he has been extremely cautious to avoid any mistakes or getting entangled in any allegations of corruption. The common complaint about him among the MVA ministers and legislators is that he is over-cautious in his bid to avoid any controversy or allegations and hence relies too much on bureaucracy. Thackeray’s approach in handling the governance is stark in contrast with several experienced ministers from the NCP and Congress who are in his cabinet (they include one former chief minister and two former deputy chief ministers).

“It is a group of top bureaucrats who enjoy his trust and have a say on various issues. This is not how we used to run the government. If people have elected us, we will decide the direction the government should take and the bureaucracy should handle the execution,” remarked a senior NCP minister.

It was no surprise when the NCP and Congress ministers strongly opposed his move to give a second extension to IAS officer Ajoy Mehta as chief secretary of the state. Thackeray then appointed him as the former’s advisor in the chief minister’s office (CMO).

Mantralaya insiders say deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar (NCP) openly expresses his unhappiness about Thackeray not giving enough time to discuss the financial situation and what can be done to generate revenue in current circumstances. Ajit Pawar heads the finance department.

“In the aftermath of Cyclone Nisarga or when he was reluctant to lift the lockdown initially, he had to be nudged by Sharad Pawar. It remains to be seen, if he learns from his experience in first year and improves handling of the government,” Desai pointed out.

Rocky road ahead

The coming days are challenging for Thackeray. The economy is in bad shape which means there will be paucity of funds. It will badly affect state’s work on welfare schemes and building infrastructure. It may create a negative sentiment against the government in rural areas where subsidies and welfare schemes matter more than cities. There is visible unhappiness among the NCP-Congress MLAs over the same, but as of now they have no option but to keep quiet.

To make it worse, a wounded BJP would be an undesirable Opposition for any government. Fadnavis has already gone on the offensive. With not much hopes of help from the Centre, Thackeray’s skills as politician and administrator will be put to test. And not to be forgotten, he will have to do a balancing act of keeping the allies happy.

Congress leaders point out that Thackeray had avoided direct confrontation with the BJP-led Centre till his son Aaditya and he were targeted by the BJP as well as the right-wing trolls over Palghar mob lynching and actor Sushant Singh Rajput’s death. His stand on the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Register of Citizens (NRC) was ambiguous. He did not show a desire to retain the Bhima-Koregaon case investigation with Maharashtra Police even as the Centre took over. He has not yet accepted the Congress’s demand for passing a resolution in the Assembly against new farm sector laws. This has not gone down well with his both the allies, but they do not have any option due to political compulsion. “I don’t think there is any problem regarding stability of the government. The BJP has been on the offensive in the state and that has been working in Thackeray’s favour as the three allies are sticking together,” remarked Asbe.

In his first year in office, Thackeray has got a glimpse of the challenges he would face in his tenure. Can he survive another year or will he manage to complete a full five-year term?