The assembly election results in Karnataka have fortified the growing debate on the inescapable demand for an enumeration of the population's socioeconomic status, or a caste census. The Congress' campaign in Karnataka, led by Rahul Gandhi's call for "jitney aabadi utney haq" and for a fairer distribution of power, resources and opportunities among all communities, seems to have paid rich dividends in the elections. It has further unsettled the entrenched groups that have remained in power for centuries by creating
The assembly election results in Karnataka have fortified the growing debate on the inescapable demand for an enumeration of the population's socioeconomic status, or a caste census. The Congress' campaign in Karnataka, led by Rahul Gandhi's call for "jitney aabadi utney haq" and for a fairer distribution of power, resources and opportunities among all communities, seems to have paid rich dividends in the elections. It has further unsettled the entrenched groups that have remained in power for centuries by creating illusions of fair process and merit. Numbers don't lie, and now the attempt is to hide the numbers and prevent the possible clarity regarding oppression and discrimination based on caste that is barely hidden.
In the process, the beneficiaries of the discriminatory order are even willing to give up their claims of rationality, reason and data. One reads many articles arguing against the caste census. Such arguments are contradictory and betray the realities of their subconscious minds that justify inherited privilege and hierarchy, though the view is couched in a cloak of modernity.
The first issue raised by many intellectuals is whether there is a need for OBC reservation, even as reality proves otherwise. The Constitution asserts the necessity of positive discrimination. And if one believes in the Constitution, can there be any logical reason for OBCs not to be included there - unless solid data proves they are not socially and educationally backward? To enumerate and get this data, one requires a caste census.
Parliamentary democracy in the post-Mandal era has given OBCs opportunities to move ahead in politics. Still, even today, their number in legislative assemblies and Parliament is not proportionate to their population. For example, in the Lok Sabha, the percentage of OBC MPs is less than 25%, much less than their population share. Similarly, in the Uttar Pradesh assembly, OBC MLAs are around 38%. In education and wealth, OBCs lag - highlighted by data-based reports in the media about their representation in bureaucracy, judiciary, media, academia, businesses and industry. The so-called dominant OBCs are mostly small farmers, who can barely sustain themselves. One cannot remain blissfully unaware of the crisis in this sector while mouthing platitudes regarding the advancement of the dominant OBC communities.
The second argument made against any form of social justice politics is majoritarianism. This is analogous to arguing that anti-apartheid politics was majoritarian - after all, it was the numerical majority blacks revolting against the minority whites in South Africa. It must take an extraordinary level of insensitivity for public intellectuals to spot majoritarianism in the yearning among a majority of the population to break free from the shackles that hold them back.
To assume that a majority wanting a fairer social order can lead to their majoritarianism is an appalling logic. In any case, in a situation of graded inequality that the caste system has ordained, and given the caste contradictions playing out within OBCs, who will rule over whom as a single majoritarian bloc? A better understanding of the socioeconomic status of our population through a proper census will be the death knell to the religious majoritarianism that treats them as dispensable foot soldiers.
That takes us to the third point, in which it is argued that questions of social justice do not necessarily counter Hindutva majoritarianism based on a religious other. Indian examples show that they do. In fact, in places and situations where people have sought to engage with material and meaningful questions of justice, equity and their well-being in the present and understand those from a historical perspective, Hindutva stood little chance. Karnataka has once again proven this fact. Tamil Nadu and Kerala are other examples from southern India. Even in the Hindi heartland, Hindutva has been on the defensive when questions are raised about the lower status and limited opportunities available to lower caste groups. The Bihar assembly elections 2015 are a classic case in point in this regard.
Fourth, if we are willing to acknowledge the reality of caste as a determinant of our development outcomes, as the Constitution and our planning and state interventions do, there can be no argument against better data. The reality cannot be altered by not recording it. Unfortunately, we live in a society in which individual chances of progress and failure are determined by caste origins. We must strive to make caste irrelevant, but we cannot achieve that by ignoring caste. By collecting and organising better data on our social and economic status based on group identities, we are tackling a pivotal hindrance to national progress. Yes, that might upend the interests of those who talk of numbers when it suits them and majoritarianism when it does not suit them.
Rahul Gandhi is pushing for logical next steps in the Congress's historical commitment towards ensuring social justice. Apart from being an intrinsically fair thing to do, the party's new focus will be a huge step forward in social transformation. Additionally, ideologically and tactically, it will corner the Bharatiya Janata Party - which has been pushing India away from its historical agenda of reconstructing society on egalitarian principles and establishing social democracy - through its divisive and regressive politics.
Chandan Yadav is national secretary, Indian National Congress.
The views expressed are personal.
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