The ‘tender gourd’ has a mind of its own

As Aung San Suu Kyi-led government completed its first 100 days in power, its evolving foreign policy approach — particularly relations with the immediate neighbours—deserves

As Aung San Suu Kyi-led government completed its first 100 days in power, its evolving foreign policy approach — particularly relations with the immediate neighbours—deserves a close appraisal.

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Of the triangular relationship involving China, Myanmar and India, the China-Myanmar arm has been marked by dynamism; the Myanmar-India equation has been less active; and China-India ties have come under new stress in recent months. The triangle has thus been undergoing perceptible movements before it assumes stability and a set pattern.

Rulers change in Myanmar, but China remains its most important consequential and problematic partner. The northern neighbour has immense resources, and ambitious plans over and above what it has already achieved.

Concerning the new government’s two priorities — economic development and ethnic reconciliation, China can do much to help as well as to hurt. Latest reports indicate that the Chinese are pushing hard for the revival of $3.6 billion Myitsone Dam project, suspended by the previous Thein Sein government. Besides, they seek a clear confirmation of support for new mega projects, already sanctioned, such as a special economic zone and deep sea port in Kyaukpyu, a huge refinery in Dawei near the Thai border, and a large business district in northern Myanmar.

Myanmar is apparently weighing how much of the above package would be in its interest. The government has to factor in the unpopularity of the Chinese due to the inroads and dependence created in the past. China’ s leverage on Burmese ethnic groups like the Kokang and Wa, which are periodically engaged in armed conflict with the Burmese military, is relevant. They can be reined in or unleashed, depending on how much accommodation Myanmar is willing to show on economic proposals. In order to expand the room for manoeuvre, Naypyitaw under Suu Kyi and with the army’ s support, will continue the Thein Sein approach of forging economic cooperation with Japan and Asean partners — Thailand and Singapore.

In this context, Myanmar-India interactions could have been more active. By itself, India cannot match Chinese resources, gains and advance sin Myanmar, but it is in a position to contribute more for enhancing the relationship and empowering Myanmar. Indian authorities are justifiably anxious about border security and interested in trade expansion, but the canvas of conversation needs to be expanded.

The triangle’s third arm, China-India relations, has been marked by some tens ions due to divergences on several issues, particularly in the aftermath of discussions regarding India’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group. The grouping’ s session in Seoul was a set back. The forthcoming BRICS Summit in Goa presents an opportunity for the two to change course.

On the US-China geopolitical rivalry, also known as “the Great Game in the East ”, which has been unfolding in recent years, the Suu Kyi government can be expected to be sufficiently“non-aligned .” On this larger question as well as on ties with China and with India, it will promote an equilibrium that suits its own interests.

In the 1950s Prime Minster U Nu used to say that Burma was“hemmed in like a tender gourd among the cacti .” Well, this gourd has a mind of its own and seems to know where it is heading.

Rajiv Bhatia is a former ambassador to Myanmar and distinguished fellow, Gateway House. The views expressed are personal.