Pangong Tso disengagement accord reduces military friction at Naku La
It is learnt that just to prove that the PLA was committed to genuine disengagement with the Indian Army, a battalion commander sought a meeting with his Indian counterpart at Naku La on the same day, assuring no further transgression from the Chinese side.
The impact of the disengagement by the Indian Army and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China on Pangong Tso has apparently led to an easing of tensions on Naku La, which saw friction and a face-off between the two militaries since May 2020. Situated south-west of the Kanchenjunga peak, the over 14,000-feet-high pass in north Sikkim had seen fisticuffs between the two armies on May 9, 2020, and as late as January 20, 2021, with injuries to troopers on both sides.

While the Narendra Modi government is tight-lipped about Naku La, Hindustan Times, after talking to top military commanders and diplomats, has learnt that the just like the Pangong Tso disengagement, the easing of tensions on Naku La has been dictated by the highest levels in Beijing with a renewed effort to build trust and normalise relations. The decision-making authority in the PLA’s case is the Central Military Commission headed by President Xi Jinping, who is also the commander-in-chief of China’s defence forces.
“The speed at which the PLA has moved its troops beyond Finger 8 on the north bank of Pangong Tso towards Srijap plains and beyond as well as withdrawal of no less than 220 Chinese light tanks from south banks of Pangong Tso clearly shows that the instructions have come from the highest level in Beijing,” said a former army chief. It is understood that Chinese disengagement is more or less complete on the north bank and the exercise on south banks is to move from the lake to the Kailash Range.
According to a top Indian diplomat, Beijing’s decision to disengage from Pangong Tso starting on February 10 was not because its military positions were not tenable but to stop the downward spiral in bilateral relations since former Western Theatre Commander, General Zhao Zongqi, went on aggressive mode at Pangong Tso last May. “China had invested a lot in removing the 1962 conflict from Indian memory by making deliberate efforts to improve bilateral relations. All this went for a toss last May and a new generation of Indians born in the new millennium has again witnessed the perfidy of PLA and mistrust with China. Perhaps the disengagement is part of an effort to stem the rapid slide in bilateral ties,” said a senior official.
According to senior military officers, Indian Army commanders raised the question of severe mistrust with their PLA counterparts, citing the continued friction at Naku La while the Pangong Tso disengagement agreement was reached on February 10. It is learnt that just to prove that the PLA was committed to genuine disengagement with the Indian Army, a battalion commander sought a meeting with his Indian counterpart at Naku La on the same day, assuring no further transgression from the Chinese side.
In the past six years, PLA patrols have tended to come down the ridge past the Indian perception of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Naku La area as a result of which there have been physical face-offs. Although the Chinese base is well behind the ridge line, the PLA in the past has made an effort to cross Naku La and reach a wall constructed by local Indian graziers.
“The face-off around Naku La has been a new development of past six years and any easing of tension bodes well for bilateral ties. Reports indicate that the PLA has gone back to its permanent base, a template used in disengagement in Galwan and Pangong Tso,” said the former army chief cited above.
ABOUT THE AUTHORShishir GuptaShishir Gupta is Executive Editor at Hindustan Times and one of India's top journalists covering national security, strategic affairs, foreign policy and geopolitics. Over the past three decades, he has extensively reported on India's military, diplomatic and security landscape, covering every major conflict and national security challenge, from the 1999 Kargil War and the 2020 East Ladakh standoff to Operation Sindoor in 2025. He has also covered major terror attacks, including the IC-814 hijacking, the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and the 2025 Pahalgam terror strike, along with numerous Pakistan-backed terrorist incidents in the Kashmir Valley and across India. He has reported on national and state elections for more than three decades. A recognised authority on strategic affairs, Gupta has covered India's nuclear programme since the Pokhran-II (Shakti series) tests in May 1998 and has written extensively on global nuclear issues, Indian diplomacy and the country's expanding global outreach. He has also reported widely on international conflicts and terrorism, with a special focus on the Indian subcontinent. Gupta has interviewed Prime Minister Narendra Modi more than four times, including Modi's first interview with the print media after becoming Prime Minister in May 2014. His other interviews include three with the Dalai Lama, as well as conversations with Benjamin Netanyahu, Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath, S. Jaishankar, Nirmala Sitharaman and Piyush Goyal. He is the author of Indian Mujahideen: The Enemy Within (Hachette, 2011) and Himalayan Face-off: Chinese Assertion and Indian Riposte (Hachette, 2014). He was awarded the Chevening-Wolfson Joint Scholarship at Wolfson College, University of Cambridge, UK, in 1998 and participated in the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) of the US State Department in 2006. He received the Ben Gurion Prize from Israel in 2011 and the K. Subrahmanyam Prize for Strategic Studies in 2015 from the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA). Since 2024, he has hosted Point Blank, Hindustan Times' weekly YouTube show on global geopolitics.Read More

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