Exclusive | ‘Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine’: Foreign Minister slams Russia’s push to talk to Trump
During the interview, Sybiha also stated that Putin is seeking the US’s ‘understanding’ to legitimise Russia’s land grab in Ukraine
New Delhi: For nearly three years, Moscow’s brutal war on Ukraine has reshaped global security, with no real end in sight. But now, Russian President Vladimir Putin is signalling he’s ready to talk—just not with Ukraine. Instead, he’s looking to strike a deal with US President Donald Trump, bypassing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky entirely.

As Kyiv fights for its survival, Hindustan Times spoke with Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha about Moscow’s latest power play, the deployment of North Korean troops to bolster Russia’s war effort, Putin’s willingness to study Trump’s Ukraine peace plan, the US president’s threats to cut aid, the practicality of Kyiv’s “victory plan,” and India’s role in potential peace talks.
Edited excerpts:
Q. With reports of over 10,000 North Korean troops in Russia and their alleged involvement in combat, how does Ukraine assess the operational impact of these forces on the battlefield? What evidence does Ukraine have to substantiate these claims, particularly given the challenges of verifying their nationalities?
“Putin’s use of North Korean troops is a clear move to escalate and internationalise the war, and aiming for a decisive edge over Ukraine. This not only threatens European security but also risks destabilising the Indo-Pacific.
“Russia has gone to great lengths to hide North Korea’s involvement—giving its soldiers Russian uniforms, fake documents, and even burning the faces of dead North Koreans to prevent identification. They fight under assumed identities of Russian Far East nationalities that Moscow colonised in the past.
“However, on January 9, Ukrainian forces captured two North Korean soldiers in the Kursk region. They are now in Kyiv, receiving medical care and cooperating with Ukraine’s Security Service. The reality is undeniable: Russia has drawn one of the world’s most notorious pariah states into its war of aggression.
“North Korea is not just sending troops; it is gaining firsthand experience in modern warfare, which it will take back home, and raise serious security concerns in Asia. Intelligence suggests Pyongyang is exchanging military support for Russian missile and nuclear technology. This war isn’t just about Europe anymore—it’s directly linking security in Europe and the Indo-Pacific, making the stakes global.
“So, the response from Ukraine’s partners must be extraordinary: pressure on Moscow and Pyongyang must intensify, and escalation must come with real consequences to prevent another failure of deterrence.
“Russia’s reliance on its allies is growing. It has taken ammunition from Belarus, drones from Iran, and now, North Korea is supplying both artillery and soldiers. Over 4,000 North Korean troops have already been killed or wounded in the Kursk region, and their deployment may expand to other battlefronts. Pyongyang’s missiles, developed with Russian assistance, are becoming more accurate, which is another alarming sign for the Indo-Pacific.
“We examined some of the intercepted North Korean missiles and discovered hundreds of Western-produced components in them. This means that the Pyongyang regime, despite all of the restrictions, has access to Western technology. This must be a wake-up call. Sanctions must be tightened, enforcement strengthened, and all supply channels cut off. Both Russia and North Korea must face complete isolation.
“I would say, while North Korean troops won’t single-handedly change the course of the war, they increase the strain on Ukraine’s defenders, helping Russia sustain its numerical advantage. This is yet another challenge that Ukraine must overcome.”
Q. Given North Korea’s alleged deployment of troops to support Russia, how is Ukraine working with allies like South Korea and the US to address this violation of international norms? Are there plans to bring this issue to the United Nations or other international forums to seek accountability?
“Ukraine consistently urges strict enforcement of United Nation Security Council (UNSC) resolutions on North Korea. We urge the international community to tighten sanctions on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and those helping it bypass restrictions, especially Russia.
“The presence of North Korean troops in Kursk has been under discussion at the UNSC since the first signs of their involvement. We are closely coordinating with partners like the US and South Korea to counter the growing ties between Pyongyang and Moscow.
“Once we gather and document the necessary evidence, it will be presented to international bodies to hold the aggressors accountable. Justice at the global level is essential to prevent this from happening again.”
Q. With South Korea supporting Ukraine in the war, does Kyiv plan to seek additional assistance, such as weapons or military support, from Seoul after Pyongyang’s reported involvement in the conflict?
“Ukraine has no intention of pulling South Korea into this war. Seoul has supported Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, providing crucial humanitarian and financial aid. We are deeply grateful to the Korean government and people.
“We will continue working closely with our Korean partners, highlighting that Moscow’s growing military ties with Pyongyang directly threaten Seoul. Putin and Kim (Kim Jong Un) must be defeated in Ukraine so Kim doesn’t believe aggression works. That’s why Seoul has a strong interest in supporting Ukraine.”
Q. With Donald Trump back in the White House and his campaign threats to cut Ukraine aid now a pressing concern, how does Kyiv plan to sustain international support for the war?
“Global support for Ukraine’s fight against Russia’s illegal, unprovoked, and unjustified full-scale military invasion remains critical, and we continue working to keep our coalition strong and united.
“President Trump’s “peace through strength” policy offers a chance to reinforce American leadership. Kyiv and the new US administration share the goal of securing a just and lasting peace for Ukraine and Europe as soon as possible. Upcoming direct talks between Kyiv and Washington will focus on the best ways to achieve this—because open dialogue leads to effective solutions.

“The outcome of this war will shape global security. If Russia is rewarded for its aggression, the world will become far more unstable and dangerous. It’s in everyone’s interest, including the US, to ensure this war ends justly. Otherwise, the long-term costs of instability will be far greater. That’s why we are working closely with the US and our allies to achieve peace through strength.”
Q. With Russia expressing readiness to study Trump’s Ukraine peace initiatives, how does Ukraine view this development? Can Trump’s proposed approach be a potential risk of legitimising Russian territorial gains?
“Watch Russia’s actions, not its words. Its officials have a long history of lies—just weeks before invading Ukraine in 2022, Putin assured European leaders he wouldn’t. So, now, when he speaks of peace, don’t believe him. His actions show he wants to keep fighting or at best, pause to regroup. A real, just peace isn’t on his agenda.
“Lasting peace requires stronger sanctions, Russia’s isolation, increased military aid, and firm security guarantees for Ukraine—only this can pressure the aggressor to stop. Russia treats every concession as an excuse to escalate its demands. Its leadership brazenly seeks an “understanding” with Washington that would validate its maximalist claims and internationally legitimise its control over Ukraine’s temporarily occupied territories.
“Putin isn’t interested in peace talks with Ukraine—he wants to dictate Ukraine’s future. But he has no right to decide for a sovereign nation. The principle “Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine” must stand. We will not accept any deal made without our involvement.”
Q. Putin has made it clear that preventing Ukraine from joining NATO is a top priority. How does Ukraine plan to navigate this red line, especially if Trump, who has criticised NATO and might be open to concessions, aligns with Russia’s stance?
“Ukraine’s relationship with NATO is for Ukraine and NATO to decide—no outside country has the right to interfere. Every nation has the right to choose its alliances for the best security of its people, and for Ukraine, there’s no better guarantee than the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the most successful military alliance in history.
“NATO benefits from a strong, resilient Ukraine as much as Ukraine benefits from NATO. Polls show that most Ukrainians support joining the Alliance, and our government reflects that will.
“Also, Russia’s claim that Ukraine’s NATO membership threatens its security is false. For instance, Finland joined NATO, in 2022, in response to Russia’s aggression, expanding NATO’s border with Russia by hundreds of kilometres. Yet, Russia hasn’t rushed troops to defend against NATO—it continues using its army against Ukraine. This proves NATO is just an excuse for Russia’s aggression. Moscow’s real fear is losing the ability to attack and dominate Ukraine.
“Therefore, Russia’s talk of ‘legitimate security concerns’ is just a cover for its expansionist ambitions. In reality, Russia is the biggest security threat to our region, with a long history of aggression against its neighbours.
“For Ukraine, negotiations and security guarantees must go hand in hand—without strong guarantees, Russia could simply regroup and attack again. The security of the entire Euro-Atlantic region must include Ukraine, not come at our expense. That’s the message we continue to stress to our partners.”
Q. Russia recently claimed the capture of two more villages in eastern Ukraine, including Yantarne in Donetsk, near the key logistics hub of Kurakhove. With NATO membership still elusive and Ukraine steadily losing ground, is Kyiv’s ‘Victory Plan’ still realistic?
“See, Russia has failed to achieve any major breakthroughs on the battlefield. Ukraine’s Defense Forces continue strategic defensive operations, inflicting heavy losses—up to 1,500 Russian troops killed or wounded daily. These staggering casualties have forced Putin to seek help from dictators like Kim Jong Un, exposing Russia’s vulnerabilities.
“Yes, Russia is making slow, costly advances in eastern Ukraine, using mass assaults and relentless airstrikes. The situation is tough, but our priority remains protecting our soldiers while holding the line.
“Looking at the bigger picture, Russia has not met a single strategic goal. It hasn’t destroyed Ukraine’s sovereignty, seized additional regional centres, or broken our resistance. Instead, Ukraine has reclaimed over half the territory occupied since 2022. Even under immense pressure, our forces remain strong.
“Ukrainians are determined to defend our country and fight for a just, lasting peace. But true peace requires a strong Ukraine. Our “victory plan” sets the stage for ending Russia’s aggression in line with international law and Ukraine’s sovereignty.
“No one wants peace more than Ukrainians. But as long as Putin believes he’s winning, he will continue this war. The only way to change that is by strengthening Ukraine on the battlefield and raising the cost of war for Russia. “Peace through strength” must be more than words—it must guide our actions.”
Q. India has maintained dialogue with both Russia and Ukraine while emphasising its neutrality. Do you believe India can play a meaningful role in mediating peace talks, especially as a voice for the Global South? Also, in which areas do you think India could exert pressure on Russia to help initiate peace talks?
“Russia’s war of aggression will have global consequences. Like Ukraine, many Global South nations value their sovereignty and want assurance that any aggressor will be punished, not rewarded.
“Neutrality in sympathies is one thing, but standing firm on international law is essential for any mediator. This war isn’t just about Ukraine. Russia’s 2022 invasion triggered food, energy, and security crises, impacting millions worldwide. Moscow continues to create threats—targeting nuclear sites, threatening WMD use, deporting children, and weaponising food, energy, and migration.
“We need strong global voices, including India’s, to make it clear that such actions are unacceptable. New Delhi’s principled stance can make a real difference.”
Q. What opportunities do you see for India and Ukraine to collaborate on projects in areas such as technology, agriculture, or education, which could strengthen bilateral ties beyond the current conflict and benefit both nations in the long term?
“Ukraine deeply values India’s support for its sovereignty and territorial integrity. India’s vision for a just and lasting peace was also reflected in the August 2024 Joint Statement during Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Ukraine.
“Kyiv and Delhi have long-standing ties, from education—where we hosted many Indian students before the war—to ambitious projects in various fields, including defence and security. Beyond education, Ukraine and India have collaborated on ambitious projects, including in defence and security. The war has driven Ukraine to develop cutting-edge technologies, creating new opportunities for cooperation that would be mutually beneficial. Strengthening these partnerships will serve both nations’ strategic interests.
“As the world’s largest democracy and a key global player, India has ambitions for a permanent UNSC seat, which Ukraine fully supports. India’s influence can help shape a just resolution to international conflicts, including Russia’s aggression.
“India’s core interests—democratic values, global peace, food and nuclear security, and freedom of navigation—are at risk due to Kremlin actions. So, I believe, by helping Ukraine resist Russian aggression, India invests in its own secure and prosperous future.”