Review: Assam: The Accord, The Discord by Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty - Hindustan Times
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Review: Assam: The Accord, The Discord by Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty

Hindustan Times | ByThangkhanlal Ngaihte
Dec 13, 2019 09:03 PM IST

Leading in to the CAB protests: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty attempts to help readers understand the complexities of the Assam story

443pp, Rs 599; Penguin
443pp, Rs 599; Penguin

In the popular imagination of the north east, Assam straddles an anomalous, uncertain space. This is ironic. Half of the eight north-eastern states were born out of Assam. Assam is first in terms of population size, and second in terms of area. Yet, while the north east has come to be identified with hill tribes with mongoloid features, only 12.4% of Assam’s population is tribal. Indeed, Sanjoy Hazarika, a well-known Assamese author, complained in his recent book of frequently hearing people say, “You can’t be from the Northeast, you don’t look like the others”. Since independence, Nagaland and Mizoram have dominated headlines due to insurgency. Yet, Assam and its woes predate those insurgencies and seem destined to outlast them. Now, as the Naga peace agreement is in sight, the simmering woes are bubbling up everywhere.

This is the subject of a new book, Assam: The Accord, The Discord. According to the author, senior journalist Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty, the book attempts to “help the interested reader figure out the complexities of the Assam story”.

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By that yardstick, the book didn’t disappoint. Pisharoty combines years of reporting on the region with readings of secondary literature and mop-up interviews to give us a compelling story, full of pathos and missed opportunities.

The Assam Accord of 1985 is the milestone from which the story juts out, both backward and forward. The subject, the root of the discord, is illegal immigration.

Immigration to Assam occurred over a long period. Pisharoty traces the genesis back to the 19th century when the colonial administration, which saw Assam as a mere extension of Bengal, moved hordes of Bengali Hindus to run its administration there. In 1874, Sylhet was merged with Assam. Soon, factors like land abundance, a favourable land tenure system, and encouragement from the colonial and provincial administration, among others, impelled many Muslims to migrate to Assam. By 1913, the first signs emerged of the host community feeling threatened by the phenomenon.

However, attempts to control mass migration – starting from the Line System of 1916 to the Prevention of Infiltration Program (PIP) of 1962 – remained half-hearted and unsuccessful. The colonial government benefited revenue-wise from migration. The entry of political parties into the fray – one supporting the indigenous Assamese and the other championing Muslim immigrants – made things worse.

As the matter came to a head after Partition, parliament passed Assam – the Immigration (Expulsion from Assam) Act on 13 February, 1950. Following this, a register of citizens was prepared exclusively for Assam based on the census of 1951-52, which came to be called the National Register of Citizens (NRC), 1951. Later, the Indo-Pak war of 1971 pushed the immigration crisis to breaking point.

The book diligently chronicles the Assam movement that erupted in 1979 and the events leading up to the signing of the Accord on the intervening night of 14-15 August 1985 and after. It poignantly brings out the cost of politicking, indecision and the cynical games played by parties and politicians. None of the key figures, including Hiteswar Saikia and Prafulla Mahanta, emerge unscathed. Like emperor Nero of Rome, while the politicians schemed and dithered, illegal immigration continued unabated.

Author Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty (Courtesy the publisher)
Author Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty (Courtesy the publisher)

The book highlights the crucial difference between the NRC and the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB). The NRC, with all its imperfections, is the logical endpoint of the Assam Accord, which is to detect all illegal immigrants, irrespective of religion and ethnicity, and deport them. This is necessary if the identity of the Assamese/Khilonjia community is to be preserved. The CAB, on the other hand, is an attempt by the BJP government to single out Muslim immigrants from the rest and target them for deportation or detention. One major omission in the book is the text of the Assam Accord itself; it should have been included in the annexure. Also, the book wrongly claims that Sylhet was the only place where a referendum was held at Partition; a referendum happened in the North West Frontier Province too. The bureaucrat, GK Pillai, was never a cabinet secretary; he retired as home secretary.

Read more: Assam indigenous bodies want change in term ‘Assamese people’ in Assam Accord

This book went to press just as the revised NRC was prepared for publication in mid-2019. The final NRC, released on August 31, 2019, detected 1.9 million suspected non-citizens. This, however, brought no closure. Many, including those in the BJP cried foul, complaining that there were too many mistakes. The plight of those excluded from the NRC remains uncertain and precarious. Even as their Indian citizenship is doubted, there is no proof of their being Bangladeshis either. Many are already languishing in hurriedly-constructed Detention Centres. The book claims that some three dozen people have already committed suicide. Others have spent all their money and time trying to prove their Indianness. The existing Foreigners’ Tribunals simply can’t cope with the humongous work before them. The only people who have benefitted seem to be lawyers, who are in high demand, both with the government and with doubtful citizens. The CAB was passed in Parliament this week. Yet, even the basic question, “Who are the Assamese people?” has still eluded consensus. The Assam story – of fear, confusion and horror – continues.

Thangkhanlal Ngaihte teaches political science at Churachandpur College, Lamka, Manipur.

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