A key moment in Opposition politics

Anointment of Tejashwi Yadav and Udhayanidhi Stalin is significant, but holds a warning sign

It’s a brand of politics, avowedly socialist and dependent on the electoral mobilisation of backward and caste-marginalised groups. In one geography, it has been the singular brand of politics for a little over five decades. In another, in the heartland of the country, it achieved tremendous success in the turbulent 1990s but has since fallen on hard times.

This week, two of the strongest proponents of a socialist brand of politics (and two of its most successful) – the DMK and the Mahagathbandhan – made significant announcements. (ANI)

This week, two of the strongest proponents of this brand of politics (and two of its most successful) – the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu and the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance) in Bihar – made significant announcements, deciding to promote Udhayanidhi Stalin and Tejashwi Yadav, respectively, to positions of leadership. Mr Udhayanidhi was appointed as a cabinet minister, a sign that he was being anointed to possibly lead the DMK in the future (and also that MK Stalin was not willing to make his son wait the decades that his father, M Karunanidhi, made him). In Bihar, chief minister Nitish Kumar all but announced that the son of his once-bitter rival (and a young man he broke an alliance over once, no less) Mr Yadav will replace him as the leader of the coalition of Rashtriya Janata Dal and Janata Dal (United) , two parties that claim the socialist mantle of Ram Manohar Lohia and have successfully taken on the BJP with a mix of grassroots connect and old-style social engineering, at least in Bihar.

Of course, significant differences exist in their political and governance styles. As one of the two Dravidian giants, the DMK rules over arguably India’s best-governed province that has benefited from a focus on education, uplift of backward groups and strong social support nets. Bihar, on the other hand, is at the bottom of most social and economic indices, where basic first-generation promises of bijli, sadak, pani still hold salience. Tamil Nadu’s politics is also more dependent on regional and linguistic idiosyncrasies than Bihar.

Still for two groupings that have been among the most successful in taking on the BJP, this is a significant moment. Mr Yadav has already proved his electoral mettle in the 2020 elections, and Udhayanidhi is likely to inherit a stable party and robust legacy – which means there is enough to justify their elevation. But in anointing younger generations of political dynasties, these parties must also pause to think about whether they are continuing to function as dynasties at a time when young Indians have no time for the word.