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China draws up a peace plan on Ladakh. India sees right through it

Army finds PLA’s condition that India should only patrol till Finger 3 of Pangong Tso unacceptable as it means that Finger 4 will become part of occupied Aksai Chin

Updated on: Oct 30, 2020, 16:38:23 IST
Hindustan Times, New Delhi | By
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Even as New Delhi awaits Beijing’s confirmation on a date for the eighth round of military-diplomatic level dialogue on disengagement in East Ladakh, HT learns that it has rejected the conditions posed by the People’s Liberation Army for the withdrawal of Chinese troops from the Finger 4 mountainous spur on the north banks of Pangong Tso.

An Indian army banner post is seen on the road to Pangong Lake near to Leh, Ladakh. (Getty Images)
An Indian army banner post is seen on the road to Pangong Lake near to Leh, Ladakh. (Getty Images)

According to officials familiar with the thinking in India’s national security establishment, the next round of talks will likely be held after the end of the 5th Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee meeting and the November 3 US Presidential elections. India’s defence minister Rajnath Singh on his part has made it clear that the country is ready to continue with the disengagement and de-escalation dialogue so that both armies, deployed since May 2020, can return to their barracks.

According to senior military commanders familiar with the discussions between the two sides, India has found PLA’s condition that Indian Army should only patrol till Finger 3 of Pangong Tso, with the Chinese army only patrolling till Finger 5 unacceptable as this means that the contentious Finger 4 will become part of occupied Aksai Chin.

Essentially, the Chinese proposal means that Finger 4 will become out of bounds for both armies even though the Indian Army used to (or at least try to) patrol till Finger 8 in the past.

The Chinese perception of the line of actual control or LAC, by a 1959 line, runs through Finger 4 of the Pangong Tso lake.

India has rejected this.

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The Indian perception of LAC is that the line runs through Finger 8 of the salt water lake. To complicate matters, the PLA has built a road right up to Finger 4 from Finger 8, while the Indian side is still to connect by road to Finger 4.

While Indian and Chinese troops are both at the height of 5800 metres on Finger 4, Beijing’s proposal calls for permanent vacation of the spur by the Indian Army. On May 5-6 night, the PLA, using riot gear and nail studded clubs and rods launched an assault on Finger 4, throwing an Indian Army officer into the Pangong Tso lake and overpowering contesting Indian troops.

New Delhi has also rejected Beijing’s proposal that the Indian Army vacate the Rezang La -Rechin La ridge-line on the south bank of the Pangong Tso first as part of the disengagement process.

India’s position, which has been conveyed to the Chinese according to the military commanders cited above is that the aggression on the LAC was initiated by Chinese troops — first on Finger 4, then in the Galwan valley and finally, in the Gogra-Hot Springs area — and that the Indian Army then retaliated in South Pangong Tso. New Delhi wants the disengagement and de-escalation to follow the same order, with the Chinese withdrawing first.

The ground situation all along the 1597 km LAC in Eastern Ladakh remains the same with both Indian and Chinese armies now battling the elements. While the Indian Army is trying to keep all the high mountain passes to to both north and south of Pangong Tso open, the PLA are at an advantage (in terms of logistics and movement) due to the vast and flat Tibetan plateau on their side.

The military commanders insisted that the morale of Indian troops, under the new XIV Corps commander, remains high and pointed out that this is first time in many years that Indian soldiers are patrolling right up to the limits defined by the China Study Group in 1976.

  • Shishir Gupta
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Shishir Gupta

    Shishir Gupta is Executive Editor at Hindustan Times and one of India's top journalists covering national security, strategic affairs, foreign policy and geopolitics. Over the past three decades, he has extensively reported on India's military, diplomatic and security landscape, covering every major conflict and national security challenge, from the 1999 Kargil War and the 2020 East Ladakh standoff to Operation Sindoor in 2025. He has also covered major terror attacks, including the IC-814 hijacking, the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and the 2025 Pahalgam terror strike, along with numerous Pakistan-backed terrorist incidents in the Kashmir Valley and across India. He has reported on national and state elections for more than three decades. A recognised authority on strategic affairs, Gupta has covered India's nuclear programme since the Pokhran-II (Shakti series) tests in May 1998 and has written extensively on global nuclear issues, Indian diplomacy and the country's expanding global outreach. He has also reported widely on international conflicts and terrorism, with a special focus on the Indian subcontinent. Gupta has interviewed Prime Minister Narendra Modi more than four times, including Modi's first interview with the print media after becoming Prime Minister in May 2014. His other interviews include three with the Dalai Lama, as well as conversations with Benjamin Netanyahu, Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath, S. Jaishankar, Nirmala Sitharaman and Piyush Goyal. He is the author of Indian Mujahideen: The Enemy Within (Hachette, 2011) and Himalayan Face-off: Chinese Assertion and Indian Riposte (Hachette, 2014). He was awarded the Chevening-Wolfson Joint Scholarship at Wolfson College, University of Cambridge, UK, in 1998 and participated in the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) of the US State Department in 2006. He received the Ben Gurion Prize from Israel in 2011 and the K. Subrahmanyam Prize for Strategic Studies in 2015 from the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA). Since 2024, he has hosted Point Blank, Hindustan Times' weekly YouTube show on global geopolitics.Read More

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