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Number Theory: Four questions which will define the 2024 elections

Here are four charts that describe the four questions the results of this election will answer.

Updated on: Mar 17, 2024, 06:35:41 IST
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The Election Commission of India (ECI) announced the schedule of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections on Saturday. The national elections will be held in seven phases from April 19 to June 1, and the ballots will be counted on June 4. Here are four charts that describe the four questions the results of this election will answer.

Workers remove political banners after the Model Code of Conduct was enforced following the announcement of the schedule of Lok Sabha elections, in Lucknow, (PTI)
Workers remove political banners after the Model Code of Conduct was enforced following the announcement of the schedule of Lok Sabha elections, in Lucknow, (PTI)
Will the Bharatiya Janata Party add to its 2019 seat tally?
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    Will the Bharatiya Janata Party add to its 2019 seat tally?
    This is the goal the BJP has set for itself, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi raising the party’s target to 370 seats in the Lok Sabha. Is it an achievable target? There is more than one way to look at this question. An earlier HT analysis looked at the BJP’s past victories in the 2009, 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections, and found that if it was to win all the parliamentary constituencies it won in the past three polls, it would have 343 MPs in the Lok Sabha. The previous elections are not comparable because of change in constituency boundaries in the 2008 delimitation. What will it take for the BJP to take this number closer to 370? One way to look at this is to see the political geography of the BJP’s challenge of increasing its Lok Sabha strength. A state-wise analysis of constituencies won by the BJP in 2009, 2014 or 2019 shows that for it to significantly cross 343 and head towards the 370 number, it will have to increase its seat tally in the eastern and southern states. In some of these states, the BJP has never been able to perform well, while in others it is unlikely to make large gains because of seat-sharing arrangements.
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    Can the Congress improve its performance?
    The 2014 and 2019 election results have been the worst ever for the Congress. Will it be able to revive its fortunes? There are two aspects to this question. The Congress’s performance against the BJP and against non-BJP parties in states where the BJP is not strong. Only 23 and 15 out of the Congress’s 44 and 53 constituencies in 2014 and 2019 respectively came in contests where the BJP finished second. Two big states that contributed to the Congress’s tally in 2014 and 2019 were Kerala and Punjab, where it was not in a direct contest with the BJP. In both these states, the Congress has lost assembly elections after 2019. If the Congress has to add to its 2019 tally, it will have to either repeat or improve its performance in these two states, or make significant gains against the BJP in head-to-head contest states.
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    What will happen to the non-aligned third pole in Indian politics?
    In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, parties that were not a part of either a BJP- or Congress-led alliance, even if there were friendly fights in some states, won in 97 constituencies with a collective vote share of 27.8%. Will this third pole continue to hold after the 2024 polls? The answer to this question will depend on the performance of the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal (technically it has not quit the INDIA bloc, but is contesting all seats in West Bengal alone), Biju Janata Dal in Odisha (though an alliance with the BJP may be on the cards), Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh, YSR Congress Party in Andhra Pradesh, Bharat Rashtra Samithi and All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen in Telangana, All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu, All India United Democratic Front in Assam and National Conference in Jammu and Kashmir.
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    Will electoral contests continue to become more difficult at the constituency level?
    This is one of the most under appreciated aspects of the change in Indian politics from 2014 onwards. Not only has the BJP become the dominant party at that level, elections are also becoming more difficult at the constituency level. An HT analysis of two sets of statistics, median ENOP (Effective Number of Parties ) and median victory margins at the constituency level show this clearly. ENOP is the reciprocal sum of squares of vote share of every candidate in a constituency. If four candidates get 25% votes each, the ENOP is 4, and if just one candidate gets 60% vote share while the other three get 20%, 15% and 5%, it drops to 2.35. The median ENOP in the 2019 elections was 2.38, which was the lowest this number has been since 1989. Similarly, the median victory margin at the constituency level in the 2019 elections was 15.1% of votes polled, which was the highest it has been since 1984-85. These numbers clearly show that whether or not parties are willing to pick sides in broader alliances, contests are becoming more polarised and perhaps one-sided at the constituency level.
  • Roshan Kishore
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Roshan Kishore

    Roshan Kishore is the Data and Political Economy Editor at Hindustan Times. He heads the newsroom's data journalism team, which produces Number Theory, a daily data-driven feature for the print edition and the HT app. Number Theory uses data analysis and story-telling based on it to add value to the newsroom’s daily coverage by putting stories in a larger context on a range of issues, including politics, macroeconomy, markets, global affairs and climate. Under his leadership HT’s data journalism work has established itself as a niche product in Indian journalism and pushed the boundaries of marrying academic rigour with news sense and speed. Along with writing and editing data stories, he has also been writing a weekly political economy column called Terms of Trade for HT Premium. A trained economist with an MPhil degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kishore has also been a visiting fellow at the Centre for Advanced Studies of India (CASI) at the University of Pennsylvania. Along with his journalistic work, his writings have also appeared in journals such as the Economic and Political Weekly and working papers for CASI and UNESCAP.Read More

  • Abhishek Jha
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Abhishek Jha

    Abhishek Jha is Assistant Editor-Data at Hindustan Times. He uses statistical programming to generate newsworthy insights from large datasets. He is part of the team that produces Number Theory, a daily data story feature of the paper’s print edition. Since March 2024, he has been writing Weather Bee, a weekly column for the Hindustan Times website. He is a chemical engineer by training, who specialises in stories related to weather, climate, and the environment. Jha has been at HT since 2018, where he offers data-driven perspective and analysis on politics, environment, weather, climate, economy and society. His work includes data coverage of elections in India and abroad, including the 2019 and 2024 Lok Sabha elections; the disasters and extreme weather resulting from changing climate, such as floods, droughts, heat waves, cold waves, and dwindling snow cap in the Himalayas; the factors that drive poor air quality in northern India; the changing patterns of land use; the Covid-19 pandemic and its impact on labour market conditions; the changing pattern of consumer spending seen in the new consumer spending surveys; and social norms seen in the surveys such as the National Family Health Survey.Read More

  • Nishant Ranjan
    ABOUT THE AUTHOR
    Nishant Ranjan

    Nishant Ranjan has been working as a data journalist with Hindustan Times since 2023. In this short period, he has established a niche for creating original datasets and utilising them to produce journalistic work that pushes the boundaries of journalism. The list of datasets and stories done by him include the following: a dataset of all 717 chief ministers India has had since 1952, a dataset of all 3,350 members of India’s council of ministers, a dataset of all 190 deputy chief ministers in India and a dataset of all 279 Supreme Court judges in India (1950-2025). He has also profiled each elected Muslim MLA/MP since 1952. He is a mining engineer by training who decided to pursue a Master's in Development Studies from TISS after working in a coal mine for 10 months. He also worked as a research associate at the Centre for Policy Research, researching local governance in India. He also has a keen interest in analyzing electoral politics and political executives in India.Read More